Thecircumstancewhichmostcontributedtosecuretheindependenceofprivatepersonsinaristocraticages,was,thatthesupremepowerdidnotaffecttotakeuponitselfalonethegovernmentandadministrationofthecommunity;thosefunctionswerenecessarilypartiallylefttothemembersofthearistocracy:sothatasthesupremepowerwasalwaysdivided,itneverweighedwithitswholeweightandinthesamemanneroneachindividual。Notonlydidthegovernmentnotperformeverythingbyitsimmediateagency;butasmostoftheagentswhodischargeditsdutiesderivedtheirpowernotfromtheState,butfromthecircumstanceoftheirbirth,theywerenotperpetuallyunderitscontrol。Thegovernmentcouldnotmakeorunmaketheminaninstant,atpleasure,norbendtheminstrictuniformitytoitsslightestcaprice—thiswasanadditionalguaranteeofprivateindependence。Ireadilyadmitthatrecoursecannotbehadtothesamemeansatthepresenttime:butIdiscovercertaindemocraticexpedientswhichmaybesubstitutedforthem。Insteadofvestinginthegovernmentalonealltheadministrativepowersofwhichcorporationsandnobleshavebeendeprived,aportionofthemmaybeentrustedtosecondarypublicbodies,temporarilycomposedofprivatecitizens:thusthelibertyofprivatepersonswillbemoresecure,andtheirequalitywillnotbediminished。
TheAmericans,whocarelessforwordsthantheFrench,stilldesignatebythenameof"county"thelargestoftheiradministrativedistricts:butthedutiesofthecountorlord—
lieutenantareinpartperformedbyaprovincialassembly。Ataperiodofequalitylikeourownitwouldbeunjustandunreasonabletoinstitutehereditaryofficers;butthereisnothingtopreventusfromsubstitutingelectivepublicofficerstoacertainextent。Electionisademocraticexpedientwhichinsurestheindependenceofthepublicofficerinrelationtothegovernment,asmuchandevenmorethanhereditaryrankcaninsureitamongstaristocraticnations。Aristocraticcountriesaboundinwealthyandinfluentialpersonswhoarecompetenttoprovideforthemselves,andwhocannotbeeasilyorsecretlyoppressed:
suchpersonsrestrainagovernmentwithingeneralhabitsofmoderationandreserve。Iamverywellawarethatdemocraticcountriescontainnosuchpersonsnaturally;butsomethinganalogoustothemmaybecreatedbyartificialmeans。Ifirmlybelievethatanaristocracycannotagainbefoundedintheworld;
butIthinkthatprivatecitizens,bycombiningtogether,mayconstitutebodiesofgreatwealth,influence,andstrength,correspondingtothepersonsofanaristocracy。Bythismeansmanyofthegreatestpoliticaladvantagesofaristocracywouldbeobtainedwithoutitsinjusticeoritsdangers。Anassociationforpolitical,commercial,ormanufacturingpurposes,orevenforthoseofscienceandliterature,isapowerfulandenlightenedmemberofthecommunity,whichcannotbedisposedofatpleasure,oroppressedwithoutremonstrance;andwhich,bydefendingitsownrightsagainsttheencroachmentsofthegovernment,savesthecommonlibertiesofthecountry。
Inperiodsofaristocracyeverymanisalwaysboundsocloselytomanyofhisfellow—citizens,thathecannotbeassailedwithouttheircomingtohisassistance。Inagesofequalityeverymannaturallystandsalone;hehasnohereditaryfriendswhoseco—operationhemaydemand—noclassuponwhosesympathyhemayrely:heiseasilygotridof,andheistrampledonwithimpunity。Atthepresenttime,anoppressedmemberofthecommunityhasthereforeonlyonemethodofself—defence—hemayappealtothewholenation;andifthewholenationisdeaftohiscomplaint,hemayappealtomankind:theonlymeanshehasofmakingthisappealisbythepress。Thusthelibertyofthepressisinfinitelymorevaluableamongstdemocraticnationsthanamongstallothers;itistheonlycurefortheevilswhichequalitymayproduce。Equalitysetsmenapartandweakensthem;
butthepressplacesapowerfulweaponwithineveryman’sreach,whichtheweakestandloneliestofthemallmayuse。Equalitydeprivesamanofthesupportofhisconnections;butthepressenableshimtosummonallhisfellow—countrymenandallhisfellow—mentohisassistance。Printinghasacceleratedtheprogressofequality,anditisalsooneofitsbestcorrectives。
Ithinkthatmenlivinginaristocraciesmay,strictlyspeaking,dowithoutthelibertyofthepress:butsuchisnotthecasewiththosewholiveindemocraticcountries。ToprotecttheirpersonalindependenceItrustnottogreatpoliticalassemblies,toparliamentaryprivilege,ortotheassertionofpopularsovereignty。Allthesethingsmay,toacertainextent,bereconciledwithpersonalservitude—butthatservitudecannotbecompleteifthepressisfree:thepressisthechiefestdemocraticinstrumentoffreedom。
Somethinganalogousmaybesaidofthejudicialpower。Itisapartoftheessenceofjudicialpowertoattendtoprivateinterests,andtofixitselfwithpredilectiononminuteobjectssubmittedtoitsobservation;anotheressentialqualityofjudicialpowerisnevertovolunteeritsassistancetotheoppressed,butalwaystobeatthedisposalofthehumblestofthosewhosolicitit;theircomplaint,howeverfeebletheymaythemselvesbe,willforceitselfupontheearofjusticeandclaimredress,forthisisinherentintheveryconstitutionofthecourtsofjustice。Apowerofthiskindisthereforepeculiarlyadaptedtothewantsoffreedom,atatimewhentheeyeandfingerofthegovernmentareconstantlyintrudingintotheminutestdetailsofhumanactions,andwhenprivatepersonsareatoncetooweaktoprotectthemselves,andtoomuchisolatedforthemtoreckonupontheassistanceoftheirfellows。Thestrengthofthecourtsoflawhaseverbeenthegreatestsecuritywhichcanbeofferedtopersonalindependence;butthisismoreespeciallythecaseindemocraticages:privaterightsandinterestsareinconstantdanger,ifthejudicialpowerdoesnotgrowmoreextensiveandmorestrongtokeeppacewiththegrowingequalityofconditions。
Equalityawakensinmenseveralpropensitiesextremelydangeroustofreedom,towhichtheattentionofthelegislatoroughtconstantlytobedirected。Ishallonlyremindthereaderofthemostimportantamongstthem。Menlivingindemocraticagesdonotreadilycomprehendtheutilityofforms:theyfeelaninstinctivecontemptforthem—Ihaveelsewhereshownforwhatreasons。Formsexcitetheircontemptandoftentheirhatred;astheycommonlyaspiretononebuteasyandpresentgratifications,theyrushonwardstotheobjectoftheirdesires,andtheslightestdelayexasperatesthem。Thissametemper,carriedwiththemintopoliticallife,rendersthemhostiletoforms,whichperpetuallyretardorarresttheminsomeoftheirprojects。Yetthisobjectionwhichthemenofdemocraciesmaketoformsistheverythingwhichrendersformssousefultofreedom;fortheirchiefmeritistoserveasabarrierbetweenthestrongandtheweak,therulerandthepeople,toretardtheone,andgivetheothertimetolookabouthim。Formsbecomemorenecessaryinproportionasthegovernmentbecomesmoreactiveandmorepowerful,whilstprivatepersonsarebecomingmoreindolentandmorefeeble。Thusdemocraticnationsnaturallystandmoreinneedofformsthanothernations,andtheynaturallyrespectthemless。Thisdeservesmostseriousattention。Nothingismorepitifulthanthearrogantdisdainofmostofourcontemporariesforquestionsofform;forthesmallestquestionsofformhaveacquiredinourtimeanimportancewhichtheyneverhadbefore:
manyofthegreatestinterestsofmankinddependuponthem。I
thinkthatifthestatesmenofaristocraticagescouldsometimescontemnformswithimpunity,andfrequentlyriseabovethem,thestatesmentowhomthegovernmentofnationsisnowconfidedoughttotreattheveryleastamongthemwithrespect,andnotneglectthemwithoutimperiousnecessity。Inaristocraciestheobservanceofformswassuperstitious;amongstustheyoughttobekeptwithadeliberateandenlighteneddeference。
Anothertendency,whichisextremelynaturaltodemocraticnationsandextremelydangerous,isthatwhichleadsthemtadespiseandundervaluetherightsofprivatepersons。Theattachmentwhichmenfeeltoaright,andtherespectwhichtheydisplayforit,isgenerallyproportionedtoitsimportance,ortothelengthoftimeduringwhichtheyhaveenjoyedit。Therightsofprivatepersonsamongstdemocraticnationsarecommonlyofsmallimportance,ofrecentgrowth,andextremelyprecarious—
theconsequenceisthattheyareoftensacrificedwithoutregret,andalmostalwaysviolatedwithoutremorse。Butithappensthatatthesameperiodandamongstthesamenationsinwhichmenconceiveanaturalcontemptfortherightsofprivatepersons,therightsofsocietyatlargearenaturallyextendedandconsolidated:inotherwords,menbecomelessattachedtoprivaterightsattheverytimeatwhichitwouldbemostnecessarytoretainandtodefendwhatlittleremainsofthem。Itisthereforemostespeciallyinthepresentdemocraticages,thatthetruefriendsofthelibertyandthegreatnessofmanoughtconstantlytobeonthealerttopreventthepowerofgovernmentfromlightlysacrificingtheprivaterightsofindividualstothegeneralexecutionofitsdesigns。Atsuchtimesnocitizenissoobscurethatitisnotverydangeroustoallowhimtobeoppressed—noprivaterightsaresounimportantthattheycanbesurrenderedwithimpunitytothecapricesofagovernment。Thereasonisplain:—iftheprivaterightofanindividualisviolatedatatimewhenthehumanmindisfullyimpressedwiththeimportanceandthesanctityofsuchrights,theinjurydoneisconfinedtotheindividualwhoserightisinfringed;buttoviolatesucharight,atthepresentday,isdeeplytocorruptthemannersofthenationandtoputthewholecommunityinjeopardy,becausetheverynotionofthiskindofrightconstantlytendsamongstustobeimpairedandlost。
Therearecertainhabits,certainnotions,andcertainviceswhicharepeculiartoastateofrevolution,andwhichaprotractedrevolutioncannotfailtoengenderandtopropagate,whateverbe,inotherrespects,itscharacter,itspurpose,andthesceneonwhichittakesplace。Whenanynationhas,withinashortspaceoftime,repeatedlyvarieditsrulers,itsopinions,anditslaws,themenofwhomitiscomposedeventuallycontractatasteforchange,andgrowaccustomedtoseeallchangeseffectedbysuddenviolence。Thustheynaturallyconceiveacontemptforformswhichdailyproveineffectual;andtheydonotsupportwithoutimpatiencethedominionofruleswhichtheyhavesooftenseeninfringed。Astheordinarynotionsofequityandmoralitynolongersufficetoexplainandjustifyalltheinnovationsdailybegottenbyarevolution,theprincipleofpublicutilityiscalledin,thedoctrineofpoliticalnecessityisconjuredup,andmenaccustomthemselvestosacrificeprivateinterestswithoutscruple,andtotrampleontherightsofindividualsinordermorespeedilytoaccomplishanypublicpurpose。
Thesehabitsandnotions,whichIshallcallrevolutionary,becauseallrevolutionsproducethem,occurinaristocraciesjustasmuchasamongstdemocraticnations;butamongsttheformertheyareoftenlesspowerful...完整阅读请扫描二维码下载丁香书院APP免费看:
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