InAmericatheattempthasneverbeenmade;forhowwouldsuchaninvestigationbepossibleinacountrywheresocietyhasnotyetsettledintohabitsofregularityandtranquillity;wherethenationalGovernmentisnotassistedbyamultipleofagentswhoseexertionsitcancommandanddirecttoonesoleend;andwherestatisticsarenotstudied，becausenooneisabletocollectthenecessarydocuments，ortofindtimetoperusethem？
　　ThustheprimaryelementsofthecalculationswhichhavebeenmadeinFrancecannotbeobtainedintheUnion;therelativewealthofthetwocountriesisunknown;thepropertyoftheformerisnotaccuratelydetermined，andnomeansexistofcomputingthatofthelatter。
　　Iconsent，therefore，forthesakeofthediscussion，toabandonthisnecessarytermofthecomparison，andIconfinemyselftoacomputationoftheactualamountoftaxation，withoutinvestigatingtherelationwhichsubsistsbetweenthetaxationandtherevenue。ButthereaderwillperceivethatmytaskhasnotbeenfacilitatedbythelimitswhichIherelaydownformyresearches。
　　ItcannotbedoubtedthatthecentraladministrationofFrance，assistedbyallthepublicofficerswhoareatitsdisposal，mightdeterminewithexactitudetheamountofthedirectandindirecttaxeslevieduponthecitizens。Butthisinvestigation，whichnoprivateindividualcanundertake，hasnothithertobeencompletedbytheFrenchGovernment，or，atleast，itsresultshavenotbeenmadepublic。WeareacquaintedwiththesumtotalofthechargesoftheState;weknowtheamountofthedepartmentalexpenditure;buttheexpensesofthecommunaldivisionshavenotbeencomputed，andtheamountofthepublicexpensesofFranceisconsequentlyunknown。
　　IfwenowturntoAmerica，weshallperceivethatthedifficultiesaremultipliedandenhanced。TheUnionpublishesanexactreturnoftheamountofitsexpenditure;thebudgetsofthefourandtwentyStatesfurnishsimilarreturnsoftheirrevenues;
　　buttheexpensesincidenttotheaffairsofthecountiesandthetownshipsareunknown。*k[Footnotek:TheAmericans，aswehaveseen，havefourseparatebudgets，theUnion，theStates，theCounties，andtheTownshipshavingeachseverallytheirown。DuringmystayinAmericaI
　　madeeveryendeavortodiscovertheamountofthepublicexpenditureinthetownshipsandcountiesoftheprincipalStatesoftheUnion，andIreadilyobtainedthebudgetofthelargertownships，butIfounditquiteimpossibletoprocurethatofthesmallerones。Ipossess，however，somedocumentsrelatingtocountyexpenses，which，althoughincomplete，arestillcurious。
　　IhavetothankMr。Richards，MayorofPhiladelphia，forthebudgetsofthirteenofthecountiesofPennsylvania，viz。，Lebanon，Centre，Franklin，Fayette，Montgomery，Luzerne，Dauphin，Butler，Alleghany，Columbia，Northampton，Northumberland，andPhiladelphia，fortheyear1830。Theirpopulationatthattimeconsistedof495，207inhabitants。OnlookingatthemapofPennsylvania，itwillbeseenthatthesethirteencountiesarescatteredineverydirection，andsogenerallyaffectedbythecauseswhichusuallyinfluencetheconditionofacountry，thattheymayeasilybesupposedtofurnishacorrectaverageofthefinancialstateofthecountiesofPennsylvaniaingeneral;andthus，uponreckoningthattheexpensesofthesecountiesamountedintheyear1830toabout$361，650，ornearly75centsforeachinhabitant，andcalculatingthateachofthemcontributedinthesameyearabout$2。55towardstheUnion，andabout75centstotheStateofPennsylvania，itappearsthattheyeachcontributedastheirshareofallthepublicexpenses（exceptthoseofthetownships）thesumof$4。05。Thiscalculationisdoublyincomplete，asitappliesonlytoasingleyearandtoonepartofthepubliccharges;butithasatleastthemeritofnotbeingconjectural。]
　　TheauthorityoftheFederalgovernmentcannotobligetheprovincialgovernmentstothrowanylightuponthispoint;andevenifthesegovernmentswereinclinedtoaffordtheirsimultaneousco—operation，itmaybedoubtedwhethertheypossessthemeansofprocuringasatisfactoryanswer。
　　Independentlyofthenaturaldifficultiesofthetask，thepoliticalorganizationofthecountrywouldactasahindrancetothesuccessoftheirefforts。ThecountyandtownmagistratesarenotappointedbytheauthoritiesoftheState，andtheyarenotsubjectedtotheircontrol。Itisthereforeveryallowabletosupposethat，iftheStatewasdesirousofobtainingthereturnswhichwerequire，itsdesignwouldbecounteractedbytheneglectofthosesubordinateofficerswhomitwouldbeobligedtoemploy。*lItis，inpointoffact，uselesstoinquirewhattheAmericansmightdotoforwardthisinquiry，sinceitiscertainthattheyhavehithertodonenothingatall。Theredoesnotexistasingleindividualatthepresentday，inAmericaorinEurope，whocaninformuswhateachcitizenoftheUnionannuallycontributestothepublicchargesofthenation。*m[Footnotel:ThosewhohaveattemptedtodrawacomparisonbetweentheexpensesofFranceandAmericahaveatonceperceivedthatnosuchcomparisoncouldbedrawnbetweenthetotalexpenditureofthetwocountries;buttheyhaveendeavoredtocontrastdetachedportionsofthisexpenditure。Itmayreadilybeshownthatthissecondsystemisnotatalllessdefectivethanthefirst。IfIattempttocomparetheFrenchbudgetwiththebudgetoftheUnion，itmustberememberedthatthelatterembracesmuchfewerobjectsthanthencentralGovernmentoftheformercountry，andthattheexpendituremustconsequentlybemuchsmaller。IfIcontrastthebudgetsoftheDepartmentswiththoseoftheStateswhichconstitutetheUnion，itmustbeobservedthat，asthepowerandcontrolexercisedbytheStatesismuchgreaterthanthatwhichisexercisedbytheDepartments，theirexpenditureisalsomoreconsiderable。Asforthebudgetsofthecounties，nothingofthekindoccursintheFrenchsystemoffinances;anditis，again，doubtfulwhetherthecorrespondingexpensesshouldbereferredtothebudgetoftheStateortothoseofthemunicipaldivisions。Municipalexpensesexistinbothcountries，buttheyarenotalwaysanalogous。InAmericathetownshipsdischargeavarietyofofficeswhicharereservedinFrancetotheDepartmentsortotheState。Itmay，moreover，beaskedwhatistobeunderstoodbythemunicipalexpensesofAmerica。TheorganizationofthemunicipalbodiesortownshipsdiffersintheseveralStates。ArewetobeguidedbywhatoccursinNewEnglandorinGeorgia，inPennsylvaniaorintheStateofIllinois？Akindofanalogymayveryreadilybeperceivedbetweencertainbudgetsinthetwocountries;butastheelementsofwhichtheyarecomposedalwaysdiffermoreorless，nofaircomparisoncanbeinstitutedbetweenthem。[Thesamedifficultyexists，perhapstoagreaterdegreeatthepresenttime，whenthetaxationofAmericahaslargelyincreased。
　　—1874。]]
　　[Footnotem:EvenifweknewtheexactpecuniarycontributionsofeveryFrenchandAmericancitizentothecoffersoftheState，weshouldonlycomeataportionofthetruth。Governmentsdonotonlydemandsuppliesofmoney，buttheycallforpersonalservices，whichmaybelookeduponasequivalenttoagivensum。
　　WhenaStateraisesanarmy，besidesthepayofthetroops，whichisfurnishedbytheentirenation，eachsoldiermustgiveuphistime，thevalueofwhichdependsontheusehemightmakeofitifhewerenotintheservice。Thesameremarkappliestothemilitia;thecitizenwhoisinthemilitiadevotesacertainportionofvaluabletimetothemaintenanceofthepublicpeace，andhedoesinrealitysurrendertotheStatethoseearningswhichheispreventedfromgaining。Manyotherinstancesmightbecitedinadditiontothese。ThegovernmentsofFranceandofAmericabothlevytaxesofthiskind，whichweighuponthecitizens;butwhocanestimatewithaccuracytheirrelativeamountinthetwocountries？
　　This，however，isnotthelastofthedifficultieswhichpreventusfromcomparingtheexpenditureoftheUnionwiththatofFrance。TheFrenchGovernmentcontractscertainobligationswhichdonotexistinAmerica，andviceversa。TheFrenchGovernmentpaystheclergy;inAmericathevoluntaryprincipleprevails。InAmericathereisalegalprovisionforthepoor;inFrancetheyareabandonedtothecharityofthepublic。TheFrenchpublicofficersarepaidbyafixedsalary;inAmericatheyareallowedcertainperquisites。InFrancecontributionsinkindtakeplaceonveryfewroads;inAmericauponalmostallthethoroughfares:intheformercountrytheroadsarefreetoalltravellers;inthelatterturnpikesabound。Allthesedifferencesinthemannerinwhichcontributionsareleviedinthetwocountriesenhancethedifficultyofcomparingtheirexpenditure;fortherearecertainexpenseswhichthecitizenswouldnotbesubjectto，orwhichwouldatanyratebemuchlessconsiderable，iftheStatedidnottakeuponitselftoactinthenameofthepublic。]
　　HencewemustconcludethatitisnolessdifficulttocomparethesocialexpenditurethanitistoestimatetherelativewealthofFranceandAmerica。Iwillevenaddthatitwouldbedangeroustoattemptthiscomparison;forwhenstatisticsarenotbaseduponcomputationswhicharestrictlyaccurate，theymisleadinsteadofguidingaright。Themindiseasilyimposeduponbythefalseaffectationofexactness，whichprevailseveninthemisstatementsofscience，anditadoptswithconfidenceerrorswhicharedressedintheformsofmathematicaltruth。
　　Weabandon，therefore，ournumericalinvestigation，withthehopeofmeetingwithdataofanotherkind。Intheabsenceofpositivedocuments，wemayformanopinionastotheproportionwhichthetaxationofapeoplebearstoitsrealprosperity，byobservingwhetheritsexternalappearanceisflourishing;
　　whether，afterhavingdischargedthecallsoftheState，thepoormanretainsthemeansofsubsistence，andtherichthemeansofenjoyment;andwhetherbothclassesarecontentedwiththeirposition，seeking，however，toameliorateitbyperpetualexertions，sothatindustryisneverinwantofcapital，norcapitalunemployedbyindustry。Theobserverwhodrawshisinferencesfromthesesignswill，undoubtedly，beledtotheconclusionthattheAmericanoftheUnitedStatescontributesamuchsmallerportionofhisincometotheStatethanthecitizenofFrance。Nor，indeed，cantheresultbeotherwise。
　　AportionoftheFrenchdebtistheconsequenceoftwosuccessiveinvasions;andtheUnionhasnosimilarcalamitytofear。AnationplaceduponthecontinentofEuropeisobligedtomaintainalargestandingarmy;theisolatedpositionoftheUnionenablesittohaveonly6，000soldiers。TheFrenchhaveafleetof300sail;theAmericanshave52vessels。*nHow，then，cantheinhabitantsoftheUnionbecalledupontocontributeaslargelyastheinhabitantsofFrance？Noparallelcanbedrawnbetweenthefinancesoftwocountriessodifferentlysituated。
　　[Footnoten:SeethedetailsintheBudgetoftheFrenchMinisterofMarine;andforAmerica，theNationalCalendarof1833，p。
　　228。[ButthepublicdebtoftheUnitedStatesin1870，causedbytheCivilWar，amountedto$2，480，672，427;thatofFrancewasmorethandoubledbytheextravaganceoftheSecondEmpireandbythewarof1870。]]
　　ItisbyexaminingwhatactuallytakesplaceintheUnion，andnotbycomparingtheUnionwithFrance，thatwemaydiscoverwhethertheAmericanGovernmentisreallyeconomical。Oncastingmyeyesoverthedifferentrepublicswhichformtheconfederation，IperceivethattheirGovernmentslackperseveranceintheirundertakings，andthattheyexercisenosteadycontroloverthemenwhomtheyemploy。WhenceInaturallyinferthattheymustoftenspendthemoneyofthepeopletonopurpose，orconsumemoreofitthanisreallynecessarytotheirundertakings。Greateffortsaremade，inaccordancewiththedemocraticoriginofsociety，tosatisfytheexigenciesofthelowerorders，toopenthecareerofpowertotheirendeavors，andtodiffuseknowledgeandcomfortamongstthem。Thepooraremaintained，immensesumsareannuallydevotedtopublicinstruction，allserviceswhatsoeverareremunerated，andthemostsubordinateagentsareliberallypaid。Ifthiskindofgovernmentappearstometobeusefulandrational，Iamneverthelessconstrainedtoadmitthatitisexpensive。
　　Whereverthepoordirectpublicaffairsanddisposeofthenationalresources，itappearscertainthat，astheyprofitbytheexpenditureoftheState，theyareapttoaugmentthatexpenditure。
　　Iconclude，therefore，withouthavingrecoursetoinaccuratecomputations，andwithouthazardingacomparisonwhichmightproveincorrect，thatthedemocraticgovernmentoftheAmericansisnotacheapgovernment，asissometimesasserted;andIhavenohesitationinpredictingthat，ifthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesiseverinvolvedinseriousdifficulties，itstaxationwillspeedilybeincreasedtotherateofthatwhichprevailsinthegreaterpartofthearistocraciesandthemonarchiesofEurope。*o[Footnoteo:[Thatispreciselywhathassinceoccurred。]]
　　ChapterXIII:GovernmentOfTheDemocracyInAmerica—PartIII
　　CorruptionAndVicesOfTheRulersInADemocracy，AndConsequentEffectsUponPublicMoralityInaristocraciesrulerssometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople—Indemocraciesrulersfrequentlyshowthemselvestobecorrupt—Intheformertheirvicesaredirectlyprejudicialtothemoralityofthepeople—Inthelattertheirindirectinfluenceisstillmorepernicious。
　　Adistinctionmustbemade，whenthearistocraticandthedemocraticprinciplesmutuallyinveighagainsteachother，astendingtofacilitatecorruption。Inaristocraticgovernmentstheindividualswhoareplacedattheheadofaffairsarerichmen，whoaresolelydesirousofpower。Indemocraciesstatesmenarepoor，andtheyhavetheirfortunestomake。TheconsequenceisthatinaristocraticStatestherulersarerarelyaccessibletocorruption，andhaveverylittlecravingformoney;whilstthereverseisthecaseindemocraticnations。
　　Butinaristocracies，asthosewhoaredesirousofarrivingattheheadofaffairsarepossessedofconsiderablewealth，andasthenumberofpersonsbywhoseassistancetheymayriseiscomparativelysmall，thegovernmentis，ifImayusetheexpression，putuptoasortofauction。Indemocracies，onthecontrary，thosewhoarecovetousofpowerareveryseldomwealthy，andthenumberofcitizenswhoconferthatpowerisextremelygreat。Perhapsindemocraciesthenumberofmenwhomightbeboughtisbynomeanssmaller，butbuyersarerarelytobemetwith;and，besides，itwouldbenecessarytobuysomanypersonsatoncethattheattemptisrenderednugatory。
　　ManyofthemenwhohavebeenintheadministrationinFranceduringthelastfortyyearshavebeenaccusedofmakingtheirfortunesattheexpenseoftheStateorofitsallies;areproachwhichwasrarelyaddressedtothepubliccharactersoftheancientmonarchy。ButinFrancethepracticeofbribingelectorsisalmostunknown，whilstitisnotoriouslyandpubliclycarriedoninEngland。IntheUnitedStatesIneverheardamanaccusedofspendinghiswealthincorruptingthepopulace;butI
　　haveoftenheardtheprobityofpublicofficersquestioned;stillmorefrequentlyhaveIheardtheirsuccessattributedtolowintriguesandimmoralpractices。
　　If，then，themenwhoconductthegovernmentofanaristocracysometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople，theheadsofademocracyarethemselvescorrupt。Intheformercasethemoralityofthepeopleisdirectlyassailed;inthelatteranindirectinfluenceisexerciseduponthepeoplewhichisstillmoretobedreaded。
　　Astherulersofdemocraticnationsarealmostalwaysexposedtothesuspicionofdishonorableconduct，theyinsomemeasurelendtheauthorityoftheGovernmenttothebasepracticesofwhichtheyareaccused。Theythusaffordanexamplewhichmustprovediscouragingtothestrugglesofvirtuousindependence，andmustfosterthesecretcalculationsofaviciousambition。Ifitbeassertedthatevilpassionsaredisplayedinallranksofsociety，thattheyascendthethronebyhereditaryright，andthatdespicablecharactersaretobemetwithattheheadofaristocraticnationsaswellasinthesphereofademocracy，thisobjectionhasbutlittleweightinmyestimation。Thecorruptionofmenwhohavecasuallyrisentopowerhasacoarseandvulgarinfectioninitwhichrendersitcontagioustothemultitude。Onthecontrary，thereisakindofaristocraticrefinementandanairofgrandeurinthedepravityofthegreat，whichfrequentlypreventitfromspreadingabroad。
　　Thepeoplecanneverpenetrateintotheperplexinglabyrinthofcourtintrigue，anditwillalwayshavedifficultyindetectingtheturpitudewhichlurksunderelegantmanners，refinedtastes，andgracefullanguage。Buttopillagethepublicpurse，andtovendthefavorsoftheState，areartswhichthemeanestvillainmaycomprehend，andhopetopracticeinhisturn。
　　Inrealityitisfarlessprejudicialtowitnesstheimmoralityofthegreatthantowitnessthatimmoralitywhichleadstogreatness。Inademocracyprivatecitizensseeamanoftheirownrankinlife，whorisesfromthatobscureposition，andwhobecomespossessedofrichesandofpowerinafewyears;thespectacleexcitestheirsurpriseandtheirenvy，andtheyareledtoinquirehowthepersonwhowasyesterdaytheirequalisto—daytheirruler。Toattributehisrisetohistalentsorhisvirtuesisunpleasant;foritistacitlytoacknowledgethattheyarethemselveslessvirtuousandlesstalentedthanhewas。Theyarethereforeled（andnotunfrequentlytheirconjectureisacorrectone）toimputehissuccessmainlytosomeoneofhisdefects;andanodiousmixtureisthusformedoftheideasofturpitudeandpower，unworthinessandsuccess，utilityanddishonor。
　　EffortsOfWhichADemocracyIsCapableTheUnionhasonlyhadonestrugglehithertoforitsexistence—
　　Enthusiasmatthecommencementofthewar—Indifferencetowardsitsclose—DifficultyofestablishingmilitaryconscriptionorimpressmentofseameninAmerica—Whyademocraticpeopleislesscapableofsustainedeffortthananother。
　　IherewarnthereaderthatIspeakofagovernmentwhichimplicitlyfollowstherealdesiresofapeople，andnotofagovernmentwhichsimplycommandsinitsname。Nothingissoirresistibleasatyrannicalpowercommandinginthenameofthepeople，because，whilstitexercisesthatmoralinfluencewhichbelongstothedecisionofthemajority，itactsatthesametimewiththepromptitudeandthetenacityofasingleman。
　　Itisdifficulttosaywhatdegreeofexertionademocraticgovernmentmaybecapableofmakingacrisisinthehistoryofthenation。Butnogreatdemocraticrepublichashithertoexistedintheworld。TostyletheoligarchywhichruledoverFrancein1793bythatnamewouldbetoofferaninsulttotherepublicanformofgovernment。TheUnitedStatesaffordthefirstexampleofthekind。
　　TheAmericanUnionhasnowsubsistedforhalfacentury，inthecourseofwhichtimeitsexistencehasonlyoncebeenattacked，namely，duringtheWarofIndependence。Atthecommencementofthatlongwar，variousoccurrencestookplacewhichbetokenedanextraordinaryzealfortheserviceofthecountry。*pButasthecontestwasprolonged，symptomsofprivateegotismbegantoshowthemselves。Nomoneywaspouredintothepublictreasury;fewrecruitscouldberaisedtojointhearmy;
　　thepeoplewishedtoacquireindependence，butwasveryill—disposedtoundergotheprivationsbywhichaloneitcouldbeobtained。"Taxlaws，"saysHamiltoninthe"Federalist"（No。
　　12），"haveinvainbeenmultiplied;newmethodstoenforcethecollectionhaveinvainbeentried;thepublicexpectationhasbeenuniformlydisappointedandthetreasuriesoftheStateshaveremainedempty。Thepopularsystemofadministrationinherentinthenatureofpopulargovernment，coincidingwiththerealscarcityofmoneyincidenttoalanguidandmutilatedstateoftrade，hashithertodefeatedeveryexperimentforextensivecollections，andhasatlengthtaughtthedifferentlegislaturesthefollyofattemptingthem。"
　　[Footnotep:OneofthemostsingularoftheseoccurrenceswastheresolutionwhichtheAmericanstookoftemporarilyabandoningtheuseoftea。Thosewhoknowthatmenusuallyclingmoretotheirhabitsthantotheirlifewilldoubtlessadmirethisgreatthoughobscuresacrificewhichwasmadebyawholepeople。]
　　TheUnitedStateshavenothadanyseriouswartocarryoneversincethatperiod。Inorder，therefore，toappreciatethesacrificeswhichdemocraticnationsmayimposeuponthemselves，wemustwaituntiltheAmericanpeopleisobligedtoputhalfitsentireincomeatthedisposaloftheGovernment，aswasdonebytheEnglish;oruntilitsendsforthatwentiethpartofitspopulationtothefieldofbattle，aswasdonebyFrance。*q[Footnoteq:[TheCivilWarshowedthatwhenthenecessityarosetheAmericanpeople，bothintheNorthandintheSouth，arecapableofmakingthemostenormoussacrifices，bothinmoneyandinmen。]]
　　InAmericatheuseofconscriptionisunknown，andmenareinducedtoenlistbybounties。ThenotionsandhabitsofthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesaresoopposedtocompulsoryenlistmentthatIdonotimagineitcaneverbesanctionedbythelaws。WhatistermedtheconscriptioninFranceisassuredlytheheaviesttaxuponthepopulationofthatcountry;yethowcouldagreatcontinentalwarbecarriedonwithoutit？TheAmericanshavenotadoptedtheBritishimpressmentofseamen，andtheyhavenothingwhichcorrespondstotheFrenchsystemofmaritimeconscription;thenavy，aswellasthemerchantservice，issuppliedbyvoluntaryservice。Butitisnoteasytoconceivehowapeoplecansustainagreatmaritimewarwithouthavingrecoursetooneortheotherofthesetwosystems。Indeed，theUnion，whichhasfoughtwithsomehonorupontheseas，hasneverpossessedaverynumerousfleet，andtheequipmentofthesmallnumberofAmericanvesselshasalwaysbeenexcessivelyexpensive。
　　IhaveheardAmericanstatesmenconfessthattheUnionwillhavegreatdifficultyinmaintainingitsrankontheseaswithoutadoptingthesystemofimpressmentorofmaritimeconscription;
　　butthedifficultyistoinducethepeople，whichexercisesthesupremeauthority，tosubmittoimpressmentoranycompulsorysystem。
　　Itisincontestablethatintimesofdangerafreepeopledisplaysfarmoreenergythanonewhichisnotso。ButIinclinetobelievethatthisismoreespeciallythecaseinthosefreenationsinwhichthedemocraticelementpreponderates。Democracyappearstometobemuchbetteradaptedforthepeacefulconductofsociety，orforanoccasionaleffortofremarkablevigor，thanforthehardyandprolongedenduranceofthestormswhichbesetthepoliticalexistenceofnations。Thereasonisveryevident;
　　itisenthusiasmwhichpromptsmentoexposethemselvestodangersandprivations，buttheywillnotsupportthemlongwithoutreflection。Thereismorecalculation，evenintheimpulsesofbravery，thanisgenerallyattributedtothem;andalthoughthefirsteffortsaresuggestedbypassion，perseveranceismaintainedbyadistinctregardofthepurposeinview。A
　　portionofwhatwevalueisexposed，inordertosavetheremainder。
　　Butitisthisdistinctperceptionofthefuture，foundeduponasoundjudgmentandanenlightenedexperience，whichismostfrequentlywantingindemocracies。Thepopulaceismoreapttofeelthantoreason;andifitspresentsufferingsaregreat，itistobefearedthatthestillgreatersufferingsattendantupondefeatwillbeforgotten。
　　Anothercausetendstorendertheeffortsofademocraticgovernmentlessperseveringthanthoseofanaristocracy。Notonlyarethelowerclasseslessawakenedthanthehigherorderstothegoodorevilchancesofthefuture，buttheyareliabletosufferfarmoreacutelyfrompresentprivations。Thenobleexposeshislife，indeed，butthechanceofgloryisequaltothechanceofharm。IfhesacrificesalargeportionofhisincometotheState，hedepriveshimselfforatimeofthepleasuresofaffluence;buttothepoormandeathisembellishedbynopomporrenown，andtheimpostswhichareirksometothericharefataltohim。
　　Thisrelativeimpotenceofdemocraticrepublicsis，perhaps，thegreatestobstacletothefoundationofarepublicofthiskindinEurope。InorderthatsuchaStateshouldsubsistinonecountryoftheOldWorld，itwouldbenecessarythatsimilarinstitutionsshouldbeintroducedintoalltheothernations。
　　Iamofopinionthatademocraticgovernmenttendsintheendtoincreasetherealstrengthofsociety;butitcannevercombine，uponasinglepointandatagiventime，somuchpowerasanaristocracyoramonarchy。Ifademocraticcountryremainedduringawholecenturysubjecttoarepublicangovernment，itwouldprobablyattheendofthatperiodbemorepopulousandmoreprosperousthantheneighboringdespoticStates。Butitwouldhaveincurredtheriskofbeingconqueredmuchoftenerthantheywouldinthatlapseofyears。
　　Self—ControlOfTheAmericanDemocracyTheAmericanpeopleacquiescesslowly，orfrequentlydoesnotacquiesce，inwhatisbeneficialtoitsinterests—ThefaultsoftheAmericandemocracyareforthemostpartreparable。
　　Thedifficultywhichademocracyhasinconqueringthepassionsandinsubduingtheexigenciesofthemoment，withaviewtothefuture，isconspicuousinthemosttrivialoccurrencesoftheUnitedStates。Thepeople，whichissurroundedbyflatterers，hasgreatdifficultyinsurmountingitsinclinations，andwheneveritissolicitedtoundergoaprivationoranykindofinconvenience，eventoattainanendwhichissanctionedbyitsownrationalconviction，italmostalwaysrefusestocomplyatfirst。ThedeferenceoftheAmericanstothelawshasbeenveryjustlyapplauded;butitmustbeaddedthatinAmericathelegislationismadebythepeopleandforthepeople。Consequently，intheUnitedStatesthelawfavorsthoseclasseswhicharemostinterestedinevadingitelsewhere。Itmaythereforebesupposedthatanoffensivelaw，whichshouldnotbeacknowledgedtobeoneofimmediateutility，wouldeithernotbeenactedorwouldnotbeobeyed。
　　InAmericathereisnolawagainstfraudulentbankruptcies;
　　notbecausetheyarefew，butbecausethereareagreatnumberofbankruptcies。Thedreadofbeingprosecutedasabankruptactswithmoreintensityuponthemindofthemajorityofthepeoplethanthefearofbeinginvolvedinlossesorruinbythefailureofotherparties，andasortofguiltytoleranceisextendedbythepublicconsciencetoanoffencewhicheveryonecondemnsinhisindividualcapacity。InthenewStatesoftheSouthwestthecitizensgenerallytakejusticeintotheirownhands，andmurdersareofveryfrequentoccurrence。Thisarisesfromtherudemannersandtheignoranceoftheinhabitantsofthosedeserts，whodonotperceivetheutilityofinvestingthelawwithadequateforce，andwhopreferduelstoprosecutions。
　　Someoneobservedtomeoneday，inPhiladelphia，thatalmostallcrimesinAmericaarecausedbytheabuseofintoxicatingliquors，whichthelowerclassescanprocureingreatabundance，fromtheirexcessivecheapness。"Howcomesit，"saidI，"thatyoudonotputadutyuponbrandy？""Ourlegislators，"rejoinedmyinformant，"havefrequentlythoughtofthisexpedient;butthetaskofputtingitinoperationisadifficultone;arevoltmightbeapprehended，andthememberswhoshouldvoteforalawofthiskindwouldbesureoflosingtheirseats。""WhenceIamtoinfer，"repliedI，"thatthedrinkingpopulationconstitutesthemajorityinyourcountry，andthattemperanceissomewhatunpopular。"
　　WhenthesethingsarepointedouttotheAmericanstatesmen，theycontentthemselveswithassuringyouthattimewilloperatethenecessarychange，andthattheexperienceofevilwillteachthepeopleitstrueinterests。Thisisfrequentlytrue，althoughademocracyismoreliabletoerrorthanamonarchorabodyofnobles;thechancesofitsregainingtherightpathwhenonceithasacknowledgeditsmistake，aregreateralso;becauseitisrarelyembarrassedbyinternalinterests，whichconflictwiththoseofthemajority，andresisttheauthorityofreason。Butademocracycanonlyobtaintruthastheresultofexperience，andmanynationsmayforfeittheirexistencewhilsttheyareawaitingtheconsequencesoftheirerrors。
　　ThegreatprivilegeoftheAmericansdoesnotsimplyconsistintheirbeingmoreenlightenedthanothernations，butintheirbeingabletorepairthefaultstheymaycommit。Towhichitmustbeadded，thatademocracycannotderivesubstantialbenefitfrompastexperience，unlessitbearrivedatacertainpitchofknowledgeandcivilization。Therearetribesandpeopleswhoseeducationhasbeensovicious，andwhosecharacterpresentssostrangeamixtureofpassion，ofignorance，andoferroneousnotionsuponallsubjects，thattheyareunabletodiscernthecausesoftheirownwretchedness，andtheyfallasacrificetoillswithwhichtheyareunacquainted。
　　IhavecrossedvasttractsofcountrythatwereformerlyinhabitedbypowerfulIndiannationswhicharenowextinct;I
　　havemyselfpassedsometimeinthemidstofmutilatedtribes，whichwitnessthedailydeclineoftheirnumericalstrengthandofthegloryoftheirindependence;andIhaveheardtheseIndiansthemselvesanticipatetheimpendingdoomoftheirrace。
　　EveryEuropeancanperceivemeanswhichwouldrescuetheseunfortunatebeingsfrominevitabledestruction。Theyaloneareinsensibletotheexpedient;theyfeelthewoewhichyearafteryearheapsupontheirheads，buttheywillperishtoamanwithoutacceptingtheremedy。Itwouldbenecessarytoemployforcetoinducethemtosubmittotheprotectionandtheconstraintofcivilization。
　　TheincessantrevolutionswhichhaveconvulsedtheSouthAmericanprovincesforthelastquarterofacenturyhavefrequentlybeenadvertedtowithastonishment，andexpectationshavebeenexpressedthatthosenationswouldspeedilyreturntotheirnaturalstate。ButcanitbeaffirmedthattheturmoilofrevolutionisnotactuallythemostnaturalstateoftheSouthAmericanSpaniardsatthepresenttime？Inthatcountrysocietyisplungedintodifficultiesfromwhichallitseffortsareinsufficienttorescueit。TheinhabitantsofthatfairportionoftheWesternHemisphereseemobstinatelybentonpursuingtheworkofinwardhavoc。Iftheyfallintoamomentaryreposefromtheeffectsofexhaustion，thatreposepreparesthemforafreshstateoffrenzy。WhenIconsidertheircondition，whichalternatesbetweenmiseryandcrime，Ishouldbeinclinedtobelievethatdespotismitselfwouldbeabenefittothem，ifitwerepossiblethatthewordsdespotismandbenefitcouldeverbeunitedinmymind。
　　ConductOfForeignAffairsByTheAmericanDemocracyDirectiongiventotheforeignpolicyoftheUnitedStatesbyWashingtonandJefferson—Almostallthedefectsinherentindemocraticinstitutionsarebroughttolightintheconductofforeignaffairs—Theiradvantagesarelessperceptible。
　　WehaveseenthattheFederalConstitutionentruststhepermanentdirectionoftheexternalinterestsofthenationtothePresidentandtheSenate，*rwhichtendsinsomedegreetodetachthegeneralforeignpolicyoftheUnionfromthecontrolofthepeople。ItcannotthereforebeassertedwithtruththattheexternalaffairsofStateareconductedbythedemocracy。
　　[Footnoter:"ThePresident，"saystheConstitution，Art。II，sect。2，Section2，"shallhavepower，byandwiththeadviceandconsentoftheSenate，tomaketreaties，providedtwo—thirdsofthesenatorspresentconcur。"Thereaderisremindedthatthesenatorsarereturnedforatermofsixyears，andthattheyarechosenbythelegislatureofeachState。]