ThepolicyofAmericaowesitsrisetoWashington，andafterhimtoJefferson，whoestablishedthoseprincipleswhichitobservesatthepresentday。Washingtonsaidintheadmirableletterwhichheaddressedtohisfellow—citizens，andwhichmaybelookeduponashispoliticalbequesttothecountry:"Thegreatruleofconductforusinregardtoforeignnationsis，inextendingourcommercialrelations，tohavewiththemaslittlepoliticalconnectionaspossible。Sofaraswehavealreadyformedengagements，letthembefulfilledwithperfectgoodfaith。Hereletusstop。Europehasasetofprimaryinterestswhichtoushavenone，oraveryremoterelation。Hence，shemustbeengagedinfrequentcontroversies，thecausesofwhichareessentiallyforeigntoourconcerns。Hence，therefore，itmustbeunwiseinustoimplicateourselves，byartificialties，intheordinaryvicissitudesofherpolitics，ortheordinarycombinationsandcollisionsofherfriendshipsorenmities。Ourdetachedanddistantsituationinvitesandenablesustopursueadifferentcourse。Ifweremainonepeople，underanefficientgovernment，theperiodisnotfaroffwhenwemaydefymaterialinjuryfromexternalannoyance;whenwemaytakesuchanattitudeaswillcausetheneutralitywemayatanytimeresolveupontobescrupulouslyrespected;whenbelligerentnations，undertheimpossibilityofmakingacquisitionsuponus，willnotlightlyhazardthegivingusprovocation;whenwemaychoosepeaceorwar，asourinterest，guidedbyjustice，shallcounsel。Whyforegotheadvantagesofsopeculiarasituation？Whyquitourowntostanduponforeignground？Why，byinterweavingourdestinywiththatofanypartofEurope，entangleourpeaceandprosperityinthetoilsofEuropeanambition，rivalship，interest，humor，orcaprice？Itisourtruepolicytosteerclearofpermanentallianceswithanyportionoftheforeignworld;sofar，Imean，aswearenowatlibertytodoit;forletmenotbeunderstoodascapableofpatronizinginfidelitytoexistingengagements。Iholdthemaximnolessapplicabletopublicthantoprivateaffairs，thathonestyisalwaysthebestpolicy。Irepeatit;therefore，letthoseengagementsbeobservedintheirgenuinesense;butinmyopinionitisunnecessary，andwouldbeunwise，toextendthem。Takingcarealwaystokeepourselves，bysuitableestablishments，inarespectabledefensiveposture，wemaysafelytrusttotemporaryalliancesforextraordinaryemergencies。"InapreviouspartofthesameletterWashingtonmakesthefollowingadmirableandjustremark:"Thenationwhichindulgestowardsanotheranhabitualhatredoranhabitualfondnessisinsomedegreeaslave。Itisaslavetoitsanimosityortoitsaffection，eitherofwhichissufficienttoleaditastrayfromitsdutyanditsinterest。"
　　ThepoliticalconductofWashingtonwasalwaysguidedbythesemaxims。Hesucceededinmaintaininghiscountryinastateofpeacewhilstalltheothernationsoftheglobewereatwar;
　　andhelaiditdownasafundamentaldoctrine，thatthetrueinterestoftheAmericansconsistedinaperfectneutralitywithregardtotheinternaldissensionsoftheEuropeanPowers。
　　Jeffersonwentstillfurther，andheintroducedamaximintothepolicyoftheUnion，whichaffirmsthat"theAmericansoughtnevertosolicitanyprivilegesfromforeignnations，inordernottobeobligedtograntsimilarprivilegesthemselves。"
　　Thesetwoprinciples，whichweresoplainandsojustastobeadaptedtothecapacityofthepopulace，havegreatlysimplifiedtheforeignpolicyoftheUnitedStates。AstheUniontakesnopartintheaffairsofEurope，ithas，properlyspeaking，noforeignintereststodiscuss，sinceithasatpresentnopowerfulneighborsontheAmericancontinent。ThecountryisasmuchremovedfromthepassionsoftheOldWorldbyitspositionasbythelineofpolicywhichithaschosen，anditisneithercalledupontorepudiatenortoespousetheconflictinginterestsofEurope;whilstthedissensionsoftheNewWorldarestillconcealedwithinthebosomofthefuture。
　　TheUnionisfreefromallpre—existingobligations，anditisconsequentlyenabledtoprofitbytheexperienceoftheoldnationsofEurope，withoutbeingobliged，astheyare，tomakethebestofthepast，andtoadaptittotheirpresentcircumstances;ortoacceptthatimmenseinheritancewhichtheyderivefromtheirforefathers—aninheritanceofglorymingledwithcalamities，andofalliancesconflictingwithnationalantipathies。TheforeignpolicyoftheUnitedStatesisreducedbyitsverynaturetoawaitthechancesofthefuturehistoryofthenation，andforthepresentitconsistsmoreinabstainingfrominterferencethaninexertingitsactivity。
　　Itisthereforeverydifficulttoascertain，atpresent，whatdegreeofsagacitytheAmericandemocracywilldisplayintheconductoftheforeignpolicyofthecountry;anduponthispointitsadversaries，aswellasitsadvocates，mustsuspendtheirjudgment。AsformyselfIhavenohesitationinavowingmyconviction，thatitismostespeciallyintheconductofforeignrelationsthatdemocraticgovernmentsappeartometobedecidedlyinferiortogovernmentscarriedonupondifferentprinciples。Experience，instruction，andhabitmayalmostalwayssucceedincreatingaspeciesofpracticaldiscretionindemocracies，andthatscienceofthedailyoccurrencesoflifewhichiscalledgoodsense。Goodsensemaysufficetodirecttheordinarycourseofsociety;andamongstapeoplewhoseeducationhasbeenprovidedfor，theadvantagesofdemocraticlibertyintheinternalaffairsofthecountrymaymorethancompensatefortheevilsinherentinademocraticgovernment。Butsuchisnotalwaysthecaseinthemutualrelationsofforeignnations。
　　Foreignpoliticsdemandscarcelyanyofthosequalitieswhichademocracypossesses;andtheyrequire，onthecontrary，theperfectuseofalmostallthosefacultiesinwhichitisdeficient。DemocracyisfavorabletotheincreaseoftheinternalresourcesoftheState;ittendstodiffuseamoderateindependence;itpromotesthegrowthofpublicspirit，andfortifiestherespectwhichisentertainedforlawinallclassesofsociety;andtheseareadvantageswhichonlyexerciseanindirectinfluenceovertherelationswhichonepeoplebearstoanother。Butademocracyisunabletoregulatethedetailsofanimportantundertaking，topersevereinadesign，andtoworkoutitsexecutioninthepresenceofseriousobstacles。Itcannotcombineitsmeasureswithsecrecy，anditwillnotawaittheirconsequenceswithpatience。Thesearequalitieswhichmoreespeciallybelongtoanindividualortoanaristocracy;andtheyarepreciselythemeansbywhichanindividualpeopleattainstoapredominantposition。
　　If，onthecontrary，weobservethenaturaldefectsofaristocracy，weshallfindthattheirinfluenceiscomparativelyinnoxiousinthedirectionoftheexternalaffairsofaState。
　　Thecapitalfaultofwhicharistocraticbodiesmaybeaccusedisthattheyaremoreapttocontrivetheirownadvantagethanthatofthemassofthepeople。Inforeignpoliticsitisrarefortheinterestofthearistocracytobeinanywaydistinctfromthatofthepeople。
　　Thepropensitywhichdemocracieshavetoobeytheimpulseofpassionratherthanthesuggestionsofprudence，andtoabandonamaturedesignforthegratificationofamomentarycaprice，wasveryclearlyseeninAmericaonthebreakingoutoftheFrenchRevolution。ItwasthenasevidenttothesimplestcapacityasitisatthepresenttimethattheinterestoftheAmericansforbadethemtotakeanypartinthecontestwhichwasabouttodelugeEuropewithblood，butwhichcouldbynomeansinjurethewelfareoftheirowncountry。NeverthelessthesympathiesofthepeopledeclaredthemselveswithsomuchviolenceinbehalfofFrancethatnothingbuttheinflexiblecharacterofWashington，andtheimmensepopularitywhichheenjoyed，couldhavepreventedtheAmericansfromdeclaringwaragainstEngland。Andeventhen，theexertionswhichtheausterereasonofthatgreatmanmadetorepressthegenerousbutimprudentpassionsofhisfellow—citizens，verynearlydeprivedhimofthesolerecompensewhichhehadeverclaimed—thatofhiscountry’slove。Themajoritythenreprobatedthelineofpolicywhichheadopted，andwhichhassincebeenunanimouslyapprovedbythenation。*sIftheConstitutionandthefavorofthepublichadnotentrustedthedirectionoftheforeignaffairsofthecountrytoWashington，itiscertainthattheAmericannationwouldatthattimehavetakentheverymeasureswhichitnowcondemns。
　　[Footnotes:SeethefifthvolumeofMarshall’s"LifeofWashington。"InagovernmentconstitutedlikethatoftheUnitedStates，"hesays，"itisimpossibleforthechiefmagistrate，howeverfirmhemaybe，toopposeforanylengthoftimethetorrentofpopularopinion;andtheprevalentopinionofthatdayseemedtoinclinetowar。Infact，inthesessionofCongressheldatthetime，itwasfrequentlyseenthatWashingtonhadlostthemajorityintheHouseofRepresentatives。"Theviolenceofthelanguageusedagainsthiminpublicwasextreme，andinapoliticalmeetingtheydidnotscrupletocomparehimindirectlytothetreacherousArnold。"Bytheopposition，"saysMarshall，"thefriendsoftheadministrationweredeclaredtobeanaristocraticandcorruptfaction，who，fromadesiretointroducemonarchy，werehostiletoFranceandundertheinfluenceofBritain;thattheywereapapernobility，whoseextremesensibilityateverymeasurewhichthreatenedthefunds，inducedatamesubmissiontoinjuriesandinsults，whichtheinterestsandhonorofthenationrequiredthemtoresist。"]
　　Almostallthenationswhichhaveeverexercisedapowerfulinfluenceuponthedestiniesoftheworldbyconceiving，followingup，andexecutingvastdesigns—fromtheRomanstotheEnglish—havebeengovernedbyaristocraticinstitutions。Norwillthisbeasubjectofwonderwhenwerecollectthatnothingintheworldhassoabsoluteafixityofpurposeasanaristocracy。Themassofthepeoplemaybeledastraybyignoranceorpassion;themindofakingmaybebiased，andhisperseveranceinhisdesignsmaybeshaken—besideswhichakingisnotimmortal—butanaristocraticbodyistoonumeroustobeledastraybytheblandishmentsofintrigue，andyetnotnumerousenoughtoyieldreadilytotheintoxicatinginfluenceofunreflectingpassion:ithastheenergyofafirmandenlightenedindividual，addedtothepowerwhichitderivesfromperpetuity。
　　ChapterXIV:AdvantagesAmericanSocietyDeriveFromDemocracy—
　　PartI
　　WhatTheRealAdvantagesAreWhichAmericanSocietyDerivesFromTheGovernmentOfTheDemocracyBeforeIenteruponthesubjectofthepresentchapterIaminducedtoremindthereaderofwhatIhavemorethanonceadvertedtointhecourseofthisbook。ThepoliticalinstitutionsoftheUnitedStatesappeartometobeoneoftheformsofgovernmentwhichademocracymayadopt;butIdonotregardtheAmericanConstitutionasthebest，orastheonlyone，whichademocraticpeoplemayestablish。InshowingtheadvantageswhichtheAmericansderivefromthegovernmentofdemocracy，Iamthereforeveryfarfrommeaning，orfrombelieving，thatsimilaradvantagescanonlybeobtainedfromthesamelaws。
　　GeneralTendencyOfTheLawsUnderTheRuleOfTheAmericanDemocracy，AndHabitsOfThoseWhoApplyThemDefectsofademocraticgovernmenteasytobediscovered—Itsadvantagesonlytobediscernedbylongobservation—DemocracyinAmericaofteninexpert，butthegeneraltendencyofthelawsadvantageous—IntheAmericandemocracypublicofficershavenopermanentinterestsdistinctfromthoseofthemajority—Resultofthisstateofthings。
　　Thedefectsandtheweaknessesofademocraticgovernmentmayveryreadilybediscovered;theyaredemonstratedbythemostflagrantinstances，whilstitsbeneficialinfluenceislessperceptiblyexercised。Asingleglancesufficestodetectitsevilconsequences，butitsgoodqualitiescanonlybediscernedbylongobservation。ThelawsoftheAmericandemocracyarefrequentlydefectiveorincomplete;theysometimesattackvestedrights，orgiveasanctiontootherswhicharedangeroustothecommunity;buteveniftheyweregood，thefrequentchangeswhichtheyundergowouldbeanevil。Howcomesit，then，thattheAmericanrepublicsprosperandmaintaintheirposition？
　　Intheconsiderationoflawsadistinctionmustbecarefullyobservedbetweentheendatwhichtheyaimandthemeansbywhichtheyaredirectedtothatend，betweentheirabsoluteandtheirrelativeexcellence。Ifitbetheintentionofthelegislatortofavortheinterestsoftheminorityattheexpenseofthemajority，andifthemeasureshetakesaresocombinedastoaccomplishtheobjecthehasinviewwiththeleastpossibleexpenseoftimeandexertion，thelawmaybewelldrawnup，althoughitspurposebebad;andthemoreefficaciousitis，thegreateristhemischiefwhichitcauses。
　　Democraticlawsgenerallytendtopromotethewelfareofthegreatestpossiblenumber;fortheyemanatefromthemajorityofthecitizens，whoaresubjecttoerror，butwhocannothaveaninterestopposedtotheirownadvantage。Thelawsofanaristocracytend，onthecontrary，toconcentratewealthandpowerinthehandsoftheminority，becauseanaristocracy，byitsverynature，constitutesaminority。Itmaythereforebeasserted，asageneralproposition，thatthepurposeofademocracyintheconductofitslegislationisusefultoagreaternumberofcitizensthanthatofanaristocracy。Thisis，however，thesumtotalofitsadvantages。
　　Aristocraciesareinfinitelymoreexpertinthescienceoflegislationthandemocraciesevercanbe。Theyarepossessedofaself—controlwhichprotectsthemfromtheerrorsoftemporaryexcitement，andtheyformlastingdesignswhichtheymaturewiththeassistanceoffavorableopportunities。Aristocraticgovernmentproceedswiththedexterityofart;itunderstandshowtomakethecollectiveforceofallitslawsconvergeatthesametimetoagivenpoint。Suchisnotthecasewithdemocracies，whoselawsarealmostalwaysineffectiveorinopportune。Themeansofdemocracyarethereforemoreimperfectthanthoseofaristocracy，andthemeasureswhichitunwittinglyadoptsarefrequentlyopposedtoitsowncause;buttheobjectithasinviewismoreuseful。
　　Letusnowimagineacommunitysoorganizedbynature，orbyitsconstitution，thatitcansupportthetransitoryactionofbadlaws，andthatitcanawait，withoutdestruction，thegeneraltendencyofthelegislation:weshallthenbeabletoconceivethatademocraticgovernment，notwithstandingitsdefects，willbemostfittedtoconducetotheprosperityofthiscommunity。
　　ThisispreciselywhathasoccurredintheUnitedStates;andI
　　repeat，whatIhavebeforeremarked，thatthegreatadvantageoftheAmericansconsistsintheirbeingabletocommitfaultswhichtheymayafterwardrepair。
　　Ananalogousobservationmaybemaderespectingpublicofficers。ItiseasytoperceivethattheAmericandemocracyfrequentlyerrsinthechoiceoftheindividualstowhomitentruststhepoweroftheadministration;butitismoredifficulttosaywhytheStateprospersundertheirrule。Inthefirstplaceitistoberemarked，thatifinademocraticStatethegovernorshavelesshonestyandlesscapacitythanelsewhere，thegoverned，ontheotherhand，aremoreenlightenedandmoreattentivetotheirinterests。Asthepeopleindemocraciesismoreincessantlyvigilantinitsaffairsandmorejealousofitsrights，itpreventsitsrepresentativesfromabandoningthatgenerallineofconductwhichitsowninterestprescribes。Inthesecondplace，itmustberememberedthatifthedemocraticmagistrateismoreapttomisusehispower，hepossessesitforashorterperiodoftime。Butthereisyetanotherreasonwhichisstillmoregeneralandconclusive。Itisnodoubtofimportancetothewelfareofnationsthattheyshouldbegovernedbymenoftalentsandvirtue;butitisperhapsstillmoreimportantthattheinterestsofthosemenshouldnotdifferfromtheinterestsofthecommunityatlarge;for，ifsuchwerethecase，virtuesofahighordermightbecomeuseless，andtalentsmightbeturnedtoabadaccount。Isaythatitisimportantthattheinterestsofthepersonsinauthorityshouldnotconflictwithoropposetheinterestsofthecommunityatlarge;butIdonotinsistupontheirhavingthesameinterestsasthewholepopulation，becauseIamnotawarethatsuchastateofthingseverexistedinanycountry。
　　Nopoliticalformhashithertobeendiscoveredwhichisequallyfavorabletotheprosperityandthedevelopmentofalltheclassesintowhichsocietyisdivided。Theseclassescontinuetoform，asitwere，acertainnumberofdistinctnationsinthesamenation;andexperiencehasshownthatitisnolessdangeroustoplacethefateoftheseclassesexclusivelyinthehandsofanyoneofthemthanitistomakeonepeoplethearbiterofthedestinyofanother。Whentherichalonegovern，theinterestofthepoorisalwaysendangered;andwhenthepoormakethelaws，thatoftherichincursveryseriousrisks。Theadvantageofdemocracydoesnotconsist，therefore，ashassometimesbeenasserted，infavoringtheprosperityofall，butsimplyincontributingtothewell—beingofthegreatestpossiblenumber。
　　ThemenwhoareentrustedwiththedirectionofpublicaffairsintheUnitedStatesarefrequentlyinferior，bothinpointofcapacityandofmorality，tothosewhomaristocraticinstitutionswouldraisetopower。Buttheirinterestisidentifiedandconfoundedwiththatofthemajorityoftheirfellow—citizens。Theymayfrequentlybefaithlessandfrequentlymistaken，buttheywillneversystematicallyadoptalineofconductopposedtothewillofthemajority;anditisimpossiblethattheyshouldgiveadangerousoranexclusivetendencytothegovernment。
　　Themal—administrationofademocraticmagistrateisamereisolatedfact，whichonlyoccursduringtheshortperiodforwhichheiselected。Corruptionandincapacitydonotactascommoninterests，whichmayconnectmenpermanentlywithoneanother。Acorruptoranincapablemagistratewillnotconcerthismeasureswithanothermagistrate，simplybecausethatindividualisascorruptandasincapableashimself;andthesetwomenwillneverunitetheirendeavorstopromotethecorruptionandinaptitudeoftheirremoteposterity。Theambitionandthemanoeuvresoftheonewillserve，onthecontrary，tounmasktheother。Thevicesofamagistrate，indemocraticstates，areusuallypeculiartohisownperson。
　　Butunderaristocraticgovernmentspublicmenareswayedbytheinterestoftheirorder，which，ifitissometimesconfoundedwiththeinterestsofthemajority，isveryfrequentlydistinctfromthem。Thisinterestisthecommonandlastingbondwhichunitesthemtogether;itinducesthemtocoalesce，andtocombinetheireffortsinordertoattainanendwhichdoesnotalwaysensurethegreatesthappinessofthegreatestnumber;anditservesnotonlytoconnectthepersonsinauthority，buttounitethemtoaconsiderableportionofthecommunity，sinceanumerousbodyofcitizensbelongstothearistocracy，withoutbeinginvestedwithofficialfunctions。Thearistocraticmagistrateisthereforeconstantlysupportedbyaportionofthecommunity，aswellasbytheGovernmentofwhichheisamember。
　　Thecommonpurposewhichconnectstheinterestofthemagistratesinaristocracieswiththatofaportionoftheircontemporariesidentifiesitwiththatoffuturegenerations;
　　theirinfluencebelongstothefutureasmuchastothepresent。
　　Thearistocraticmagistrateisurgedatthesametimetowardthesamepointbythepassionsofthecommunity，byhisown，andI
　　mayalmostaddbythoseofhisposterity。Isit，then，wonderfulthathedoesnotresistsuchrepeatedimpulses？Andindeedaristocraciesareoftencarriedawaybythespiritoftheirorderwithoutbeingcorruptedbyit;andtheyunconsciouslyfashionsocietytotheirownends，andprepareitfortheirowndescendants。
　　TheEnglisharistocracyisperhapsthemostliberalwhicheverexisted，andnobodyofmenhasever，uninterruptedly，furnishedsomanyhonorableandenlightenedindividualstothegovernmentofacountry。Itcannot，however，escapeobservationthatinthelegislationofEnglandthegoodofthepoorhasbeensacrificedtotheadvantageoftherich，andtherightsofthemajoritytotheprivilegesofthefew。Theconsequenceis，thatEngland，atthepresentday，combinestheextremesoffortuneinthebosomofhersociety，andherperilsandcalamitiesarealmostequaltoherpowerandherrenown。*a[Footnotea:[ThelegislationofEnglandforthefortyyearsiscertainlynotfairlyopentothiscriticism，whichwaswrittenbeforetheReformBillof1832，andaccordinglyGreatBritainhasthusfarescapedandsurmountedtheperilsandcalamitiestowhichsheseemedtobeexposed。]]
　　IntheUnitedStates，wherethepublicofficershavenointereststopromoteconnectedwiththeircaste，thegeneralandconstantinfluenceoftheGovernmentisbeneficial，althoughtheindividualswhoconductitarefrequentlyunskilfulandsometimescontemptible。Thereisindeedasecrettendencyindemocraticinstitutionstorendertheexertionsofthecitizenssubservienttotheprosperityofthecommunity，notwithstandingtheirprivatevicesandmistakes;whilstinaristocraticinstitutionsthereisasecretpropensitywhich，notwithstandingthetalentsandthevirtuesofthosewhoconductthegovernment，leadsthemtocontributetotheevilswhichoppresstheirfellow—creatures。Inaristocraticgovernmentspublicmenmayfrequentlydoinjurieswhichtheydonotintend，andindemocraticstatestheyproduceadvantageswhichtheyneverthoughtof。
　　PublicSpiritInTheUnitedStatesPatriotismofinstinct—Patriotismofreflection—Theirdifferentcharacteristics—Nationsoughttostrivetoacquirethesecondwhenthefirsthasdisappeared—EffortsoftheAmericanstoit—Interestoftheindividualintimatelyconnectedwiththatofthecountry。
　　Thereisonesortofpatrioticattachmentwhichprincipallyarisesfromthatinstinctive，disinterested，andundefinablefeelingwhichconnectstheaffectionsofmanwithhisbirthplace。
　　Thisnaturalfondnessisunitedtoatasteforancientcustoms，andtoareverenceforancestraltraditionsofthepast;thosewhocherishitlovetheircountryastheylovethemansionsoftheirfathers。Theyenjoythetranquillitywhichitaffordsthem;theyclingtothepeacefulhabitswhichtheyhavecontractedwithinitsbosom;theyareattachedtothereminiscenceswhichitawakens，andtheyareevenpleasedbythestateofobedienceinwhichtheyareplaced。Thispatriotismissometimesstimulatedbyreligiousenthusiasm，andthenitiscapableofmakingthemostprodigiousefforts。Itisinitselfakindofreligion;itdoesnotreason，butitactsfromtheimpulseoffaithandofsentiment。Bysomenationsthemonarchhasbeenregardedasapersonificationofthecountry;andthefervorofpatriotismbeingconvertedintothefervorofloyalty，theytookasympatheticprideinhisconquests，andgloriedinhispower。Atonetime，undertheancientmonarchy，theFrenchfeltasortofsatisfactioninthesenseoftheirdependenceuponthearbitrarypleasureoftheirking，andtheywerewonttosaywithpride，"Wearethesubjectsofthemostpowerfulkingintheworld。"
　　But，likeallinstinctivepassions，thiskindofpatriotismismoreapttoprompttransientexertionthantosupplythemotivesofcontinuousendeavor。ItmaysavetheStateincriticalcircumstances，butitwillnotunfrequentlyallowthenationtodeclineinthemidstofpeace。Whilstthemannersofapeoplearesimpleanditsfaithunshaken，whilstsocietyissteadilybasedupontraditionalinstitutionswhoselegitimacyhasneverbeencontested，thisinstinctivepatriotismiswonttoendure。
　　Butthereisanotherspeciesofattachmenttoacountrywhichismorerationalthantheonewehavebeendescribing。Itisperhapslessgenerousandlessardent，butitismorefruitfulandmorelasting;itiscoevalwiththespreadofknowledge，itisnurturedbythelaws，itgrowsbytheexerciseofcivilrights，and，intheend，itisconfoundedwiththepersonalinterestofthecitizen。Amancomprehendstheinfluencewhichtheprosperityofhiscountryhasuponhisownwelfare;heisawarethatthelawsauthorizehimtocontributehisassistancetothatprosperity，andhelaborstopromoteitasaportionofhisinterestinthefirstplace，andasaportionofhisrightinthesecond。
　　Butepochssometimesoccur，inthecourseoftheexistenceofanation，atwhichtheancientcustomsofapeoplearechanged，publicmoralitydestroyed，religiousbeliefdisturbed，andthespelloftraditionbroken，whilstthediffusionofknowledgeisyetimperfect，andthecivilrightsofthecommunityareillsecured，orconfinedwithinverynarrowlimits。Thecountrythenassumesadimanddubiousshapeintheeyesofthecitizens;theynolongerbeholditinthesoilwhichtheyinhabit，forthatsoilistothemadullinanimateclod;norintheusagesoftheirforefathers，whichtheyhavebeentaughttolookuponasadebasingyoke;norinreligion，forofthattheydoubt;norinthelaws，whichdonotoriginateintheirownauthority;norinthelegislator，whomtheyfearanddespise。
　　Thecountryislosttotheirsenses，theycanneitherdiscoveritunderitsownnorunderborrowedfeatures，andtheyentrenchthemselveswithinthedullprecinctsofanarrowegotism。Theyareemancipatedfromprejudicewithouthavingacknowledgedtheempireofreason;theyareneitheranimatedbytheinstinctivepatriotismofmonarchicalsubjectsnorbythethinkingpatriotismofrepublicancitizens;buttheyhavestoppedhalfwaybetweenthetwo，inthemidstofconfusionandofdistress。
　　Inthispredicament，toretreatisimpossible;forapeoplecannotrestorethevivacityofitsearliertimes，anymorethanamancanreturntotheinnocenceandthebloomofchildhood;suchthingsmayberegretted，buttheycannotberenewed。Theonlything，then，whichremainstobedoneistoproceed，andtoacceleratetheunionofprivatewithpublicinterests，sincetheperiodofdisinterestedpatriotismisgonebyforever。
　　Iamcertainlyveryfarfromaverringthat，inordertoobtainthisresult，theexerciseofpoliticalrightsshouldbeimmediatelygrantedtoallthemembersofthecommunity。ButI
　　maintainthatthemostpowerful，andperhapstheonly，meansofinterestingmeninthewelfareoftheircountrywhichwestillpossessistomakethempartakersintheGovernment。Atthepresenttimeciviczealseemstometobeinseparablefromtheexerciseofpoliticalrights;andIholdthatthenumberofcitizenswillbefoundtoaugmentortodecreaseinEuropeinproportionasthoserightsareextended。
　　IntheUnitedStatestheinhabitantswerethrownbutasyesterdayuponthesoilwhichtheynowoccupy，andtheybroughtneithercustomsnortraditionswiththemthere;theymeeteachotherforthefirsttimewithnopreviousacquaintance;inshort，theinstinctiveloveoftheircountrycanscarcelyexistintheirminds;buteveryonetakesaszealousaninterestintheaffairsofhistownship，hiscounty，andofthewholeState，asiftheywerehisown，becauseeveryone，inhissphere，takesanactivepartinthegovernmentofsociety。
　　ThelowerordersintheUnitedStatesarealivetotheperceptionoftheinfluenceexercisedbythegeneralprosperityupontheirownwelfare;andsimpleasthisobservationis，itisonewhichisbuttoorarelymadebythepeople。ButinAmericathepeopleregardsthisprosperityastheresultofitsownexertions;thecitizenlooksuponthefortuneofthepublicashisprivateinterest，andheco—operatesinitssuccess，notsomuchfromasenseofprideorofduty，asfromwhatIshallventuretotermcupidity。
　　ItisunnecessarytostudytheinstitutionsandthehistoryoftheAmericansinordertodiscoverthetruthofthisremark，fortheirmannersrenderitsufficientlyevident。AstheAmericanparticipatesinallthatisdoneinhiscountry，hethinkshimselfobligedtodefendwhatevermaybecensured;foritisnotonlyhiscountrywhichisattackedupontheseoccasions，butitishimself。Theconsequenceis，thathisnationalprideresortstoathousandartifices，andtoallthepettytricksofindividualvanity。
　　NothingismoreembarrassingintheordinaryintercourseoflifethanthisirritablepatriotismoftheAmericans。Astrangermaybeverywellinclinedtopraisemanyoftheinstitutionsoftheircountry，buthebegspermissiontoblamesomeofthepeculiaritieswhichheobserves—apermissionwhichis，however，inexorablyrefused。Americaisthereforeafreecountry，inwhich，lestanybodyshouldbehurtbyyourremarks，youarenotallowedtospeakfreelyofprivateindividuals，oroftheState，ofthecitizensoroftheauthorities，ofpublicorofprivateundertakings，or，inshort，ofanythingatall，exceptitbeoftheclimateandthesoil;andeventhenAmericanswillbefoundreadytodefendeithertheoneortheother，asiftheyhadbeencontrivedbytheinhabitantsofthecountry。
　　Inourtimesoptionmustbemadebetweenthepatriotismofallandthegovernmentofafew;fortheforceandactivitywhichthefirstconfersareirreconcilablewiththeguaranteesoftranquillitywhichthesecondfurnishes。
　　NotionOfRightsInTheUnitedStatesNogreatpeoplewithoutanotionofrights—Howthenotionofrightscanbegiventopeople—RespectofrightsintheUnitedStates—Whenceitarises。
　　Aftertheideaofvirtue，Iknownohigherprinciplethanthatofright;or，tospeakmoreaccurately，thesetwoideasarecommingledinone。Theideaofrightissimplythatofvirtueintroducedintothepoliticalworld。Itistheideaofrightwhichenabledmentodefineanarchyandtyranny;andwhichtaughtthemtoremainindependentwithoutarrogance，aswellastoobeywithoutservility。Themanwhosubmitstoviolenceisdebasedbyhiscompliance;butwhenheobeysthemandateofonewhopossessesthatrightofauthoritywhichheacknowledgesinafellow—creature，herisesinsomemeasureabovethepersonwhodeliversthecommand。Therearenogreatmenwithoutvirtue，andtherearenogreatnations—itmayalmostbeaddedthattherewouldbenosociety—withoutthenotionofrights;forwhatistheconditionofamassofrationalandintelligentbeingswhoareonlyunitedtogetherbythebondofforce？
　　Iampersuadedthattheonlymeanswhichwepossessatthepresenttimeofinculcatingthenotionofrights，andofrenderingit，asitwere，palpabletothesenses，istoinvestallthemembersofthecommunitywiththepeacefulexerciseofcertainrights:thisisveryclearlyseeninchildren，whoaremenwithoutthestrengthandtheexperienceofmanhood。Whenachildbeginstomoveinthemidstoftheobjectswhichsurroundhim，heisinstinctivelyledtoturneverythingwhichhecanlayhishandsupontohisownpurposes;hehasnonotionofthepropertyofothers;butashegraduallylearnsthevalueofthings，andbeginstoperceivethathemayinhisturnbedeprivedofhispossessions，hebecomesmorecircumspect，andheobservesthoserightsinotherswhichhewishestohaverespectedinhimself。Theprinciplewhichthechildderivesfromthepossessionofhistoysistaughttothemanbytheobjectswhichhemaycallhisown。InAmericathosecomplaintsagainstpropertyingeneralwhicharesofrequentinEuropeareneverheard，becauseinAmericatherearenopaupers;andaseveryonehaspropertyofhisowntodefend，everyonerecognizestheprincipleuponwhichheholdsit。
　　Thesamethingoccursinthepoliticalworld。InAmericathelowestclasseshaveconceivedaveryhighnotionofpoliticalrights，becausetheyexercisethoserights;andtheyrefrainfromattackingthoseofotherpeople，inordertoensuretheirownfromattack。WhilstinEuropethesameclassessometimesrecalcitrateevenagainstthesupremepower，theAmericansubmitswithoutamurmurtotheauthorityofthepettiestmagistrate。
　　Thistruthisexemplifiedbythemosttrivialdetailsofnationalpeculiarities。InFranceveryfewpleasuresareexclusivelyreservedforthehigherclasses;thepoorareadmittedwhereverthericharereceived，andtheyconsequentlybehavewithpropriety，andrespectwhatevercontributestotheenjoymentsinwhichtheythemselvesparticipate。InEngland，wherewealthhasamonopolyofamusementaswellasofpower，complaintsaremadethatwheneverthepoorhappentostealintotheenclosureswhicharereservedforthepleasuresoftherich，theycommitactsofwantonmischief:canthisbewonderedat，sincecarehasbeentakenthattheyshouldhavenothingtolose？
　　*b[Footnoteb:[This，too，hasbeenamendedbymuchlargerprovisionsfortheamusementsofthepeopleinpublicparks，gardens，museums，etc。;andtheconductofthepeopleintheseplacesofamusementhasimprovedinthesameproportion。]]