SpencedriftedtoLondon，pickedupaprecariousliving，partlybysellingbooksofarevolutionarykind，anddiedin1815，leaving，itseems，afewproselytes。AwriterofhigherliterarycapacitywasCharlesHall，aphysicianatTavistock，whoin1805publishedabookonTheEffectsofCivilisation。61Theeffectsofcivilisation，heholds，aresimplypernicious。Landedpropertyoriginatedinviolence，andhascausedallsocialevils。Agreatlandlordconsumesunproductivelyasmuchaswouldkeepeightthousandpeople。62Hegetseverythingfromthelabourofthepoor；whiletheyareforcedtostarvationwagesbytheraisingofrents。Tradeandmanufacturesareequallymischievous。IndiagetsnothingbutjewelleryfromEurope，andEuropenothingbutmuslinfromIndia，whilesomuchlessfoodisproducedineithercountry。63Manufacturesgenerallyareacauseandsignofthepovertyofnations。64
　　Suchsporadicprotestsagainsttheinequalitiesofwealthmaybetakenaspartsofthat’ancienttaleofwrong’whichhasinallagesbeensteamingupfromthesufferingworld，andprovokingasmilefromepicureandeities。AsOwenismadvanced，theargumenttookamoredistinctform。Mill65mentionsWilliamThompsonofCorkasa’veryestimableman，’whowasthe’principalchampion’
　　oftheOwenitesintheirdebateswiththeBenthamites。Hepublishedin1824abookuponthedistributionofwealth，66Itiswordy，andisapttoremainintheregionof’vaguegeneralities’justatthepointswherespecificstatementswouldbewelcome。Butbesidesthemeritofobvioussincerityandgoodfeeling，ithastheinterestofshowingveryclearlytherelationbetweentheopposingschools。ThompsonhadacommongroundwiththeUtilitarians，thoughtheyundoubtedlywouldconsiderhislogictobelooseandoverriddenbysentimentalism。Inthefirstplace，heheartilyadmiredBentham：’themostprofoundandcelebratedwriteronlegislationinthisoranyothercountry。’67Heacceptsthe’greatesthappinessprinciple’asapplicabletothesocialproblem。HearguesforequalityuponBentham’sground。Takeapennyfromapoormantogiveittotherichman，andthepoormanclearlylosesfarmorehappinessthantherichmangains。WithBentham，too，headmitstheimportanceof’security，’andagreesthatitisnotalwayscompatiblewithequality。
　　Amanshouldhavethefruitsofhislabour；andthereforethemanwholaboursmostshouldhavemost。But，unlikeBentham，heregardsequalityasmoreimportantthansecurity。Tohimthemainconsiderationisthemonstrousmassofevilresultingfromvastaccumulationsofwealthinafewhands。
　　Inthenextplace，headaptstohisownpurposetheRicardiantheoryofvalue。Allvaluewhatever，heargues，iscreatedbylabour。Thelabourer，heinfers，shouldhavethevaluewhichhecreates。Asthingsare，thelabourerpartswithmostofittothecapitalistortheownerofrents。Thecapitalistclaimsarighttothewholeadditionalproductionduetotheemploymentofcapital。Thelabourer，ontheotherhand，mayclaimarighttothewholeadditionalproduction，afterreplacingthewearandtearandallowingtothecapitalistenoughtosupporthiminequalcomfortwiththeproductivelabourers，68Thompsonholdsthatwhileeithersystemwouldbecompatiblewith’security，’thelabourer’sdemandissanctionedby’equality。’
　　Inpointoffact，neithersystemhasbeenfullycarriedout；butthelabourer’sviewwouldtendtoprevailwiththespreadofknowledgeandjustice。WhilethusanticipatinglaterSocialism，hediffersonasignificantpoint。Thompsoninsistsupontheimportanceof’voluntaryexchange’asoneofhisfirstprinciples。Nooneistobeforcedtotakewhathedoesnothimselfthinkafairequivalentforhislabour。Here，again，hewouldcoincidewiththeUtilitarians，They，notlessthanhe，wereforfreetradeandtheabolitionofeverykindofmonopoly。Butthatviewmayleadbyitselftothesimpleadoptionofthedo-nothingprinciple，or，asmodernSocialistswouldsay，tothemoreeffectualplunderofthepoor。ThemodernSocialistinfersthatthemeansofproductionmustbeinsomewaynationalised。Thompsondoesnotcontemplatesuchaconsummation。Hedenounces，likealltheRadicalsoftheday，monopoliesandconspiracylaws。SinecuresandstandingarmiesandStatechurchesarethestrongholdsoftyrannyandsuperstition。The’hereditarypossessionofwealth’isoneofthemaster-evils，andwithsinecureswilldisappearthesystemsofentailsandunequaldistributionofinheritance。69Suchinstitutionshaveencouragedtheuseoffraudandforce，andindirectlydegradedthelabourerintoahelplessposition。Hewouldsweepthemallaway，andwiththemalldisqualificationsimposeduponwomen。70Thisoncedone，itwillbenecessarytoestablishauniversalandthoroughgoingsystemofeducation。Thenthepoorman，freedfromtheshacklesofsuperstitionanddespotism，willbeabletoobtainhisrightsasknowledgeandjusticespreadthroughthewholecommunity，thedesiretoaccumulateforselfishpurposeswillitselfdisappear。
　　Thelabourerwillgetallthathecreates；theaggregatewealthwillbeenormouslymultiplied，thoughuniversallydiffused；andtheformtakenbythenewsocietywill，ashearguesatgreatlength，bethatofvoluntaryco-operativeassociationsuponOwen’sprinciples。
　　Theeconomistswould，ofcourse，rejectthetheorythatthecapitalistsshouldhavenoprofits；
　　but，inspiteofthis，theymightagreetoagreatextentwithThompson’saspirations，Thompson，however，holdsthetrueSocialistsentimentofaversiontoMalthus。HedeniesenergeticallywhathetakestobetheMalthusiandoctrine：thatincreasedcomfortwillalwaysproduceincreasednumbers。71Thishasbeenthe’grandscarecrowtofrightenawayallattemptsatsocialimprovement。’Thompsonaccordinglyassertsthatincreasedcomfortalwayscausesincreasedprudenceultimately；andlooksforwardtoastationarystateinwhichthebirthswilljustbalancethedeaths。Ineednotinquireherewhichtheoryputsthecartbeforethehorse。Theoppositionpossiblyadmitsofreconciliation；buthereIonlyremarkoncemorehowMalthusstoodfortheappealtohardfactswhichalwaysprovokedtheUtopiansasmuchasitcorrespondedtothesternUtilitarianview。
　　Anotherwriter，ThomasHodgskin，honorarysecretaryoftheBirkbeckInstitution，whopublishedatractcalledLabourdefendedagainsttheClaimsofCapital，ortheUnproductivenessofCapitalproved1825，andafterwardsgavesomepopularlecturesonpoliticaleconomy，hasbeennoticedasanticipatingSocialistideas。Hecansee，hesays，whysomethingshouldgotothemakerofaroadandsomethingbepaidbythepersonwhogetsthebenefitofit。Buthedoesnotseewhytheroaditselfshouldhaveanything。72Hodgskinwriteswithoutbitterness，ifwithoutmuchlogic。ItisnotformetosaywhethermodernSocialistsarewelladvisedinadmittingthatthesecrudesuggestionswereanticipationsoftheirownideas。Themostnaturalinferencewouldbethatvagueguessesaboutthewickednessoftherichhavebeeninallagescurrentamongthepoor，andnowandthentakemorepretentiousform。Mostmenwantverynaturallytogetasmuchandtoworkaslittleastheycan，andcalltheirdesireafirstprincipleofjustice。
　　Perhaps，however，itisfairertonoticeinhowmanypointstherewasunconsciousagreement；andhowbyconvertingveryexcellentmaximsintoabsolutedogmas，fromwhichawholesystemwasdeducible，thetheoriesappearedtobemutuallycontradictory，and，takenseparately，becameabsurd。Thepalpableandadmittedevilwasthegrowthofpauperismanddemoralisationofthelabourer。Theremedy，accordingtotheUtilitarians，istoraisethesenseofindividualresponsibility，tomakeamandependentuponhisownexertions，andtogivehimsecuritythathewillenjoytheirfruit。Letgovernmentgiveeducationononehandandsecurityontheother，andequalitywillfollowinduetime。ThesentimentalRadicalnaturallyrepliesthatleavingamantostarvedoesnotnecessarilymakehimindustrious；that，inpointoffact，greatandgrowinginequalityofwealthhasresulted；andthattherightsofmanshouldbeappliednotonlytopoliticalprivilege，buttothepossessionofproperty。TheUtilitarianshaveleftoutjusticebyputtingequalityinthebackground。Justice，asBenthamreplied，hasnomeaningtillyouhavesettledbyexperiencewhatlawswillproducehappiness；andyourabsoluteequalitywoulddestroytheverymainspringofsocialimprovement。MeanwhiletheConservativethinksthatbothpartiesarereallyfosteringtheevilsbymakingindividualismsupreme，andthatorganisationisnecessarytoimprovement；whileonesetofRadicalswouldperpetuateamereblindstruggleforexistence，andtheotherenablethelowestclasstoenforceadeadlevelofignoranceandstupidity。Theythereforecallupongovernmenttobecomepaternalandactive，andtoteachnotonlymoralitybutreligion；anduponthearistocracytodischargeitsfunctionsworthily，inordertostampoutsocialevilsandpreventaservileinsurrection。ButhowwastheactualgovernmentofGeorgeIVandSidmouthandEldontobeconvertedtoasenseofitsduties?Oneachsideappealismadetoasweepingandabsoluteprinciple，andamazinglycomplexanddifficultquestionsoffactaretakenforgranted。TheUtilitariansweresofarrightthattheyappealedtoexperience，as，infact，suchquestionshavetobesettledbytheslowco-operationofmanymindsinmanygenerations。
　　UnfortunatelytheUtilitarianshad，aswehaveseen，averyinadequateconceptionofwhatexperiencereallymeant，andwerefullyasrashanddogmaticastheiropponents。Imustnowtrytoconsiderwhatweretheintellectualconceptionsimpliedbytheirmodeoftreatingtheseproblems。
　　Notes：
　　1。Thediscussionsofpopulationmostfrequentlymentionedare：-W。Godwin，ThoughtsoccasionedbyDrParr’sSpitalSermon，etc。，1801；R。Southey，inAikin；’sAnnualReviewfor1803，pp。292-301；ThomasJarrold，DissertationsonMan，etc。，1806；JamesGrahame，InquiryintothePrincipleofPopulation，1816；
　　GeorgeEnsor，InquiryconcerningthePopulationofNations，1818；
　　W。Godwin，OnPopulation，1820；FrancisPlace，PrinciplesofPopulation，1822；DavidBooth，LettertotheRev。T。R。Malthus，1823；M。T。Sadler，LawofPopulation，1830；A。，Alison，PrinciplesofPopulation，1840；T。Doubleday，TrueLawsofPopulation，1842。
　　2。QuarterlyReview，Dec。1812reprintedinSouthey’sMoralandPoliticalEssays，1832，3。QuarterlyReview，July1827，byArchbishopSumner，Malthus’scommentatorintheRecordsofCreation。Ricardo’sLetterstoTrower，p。47。
　　4。Spence’sTractsonPoliticalEconomywerecollectedwithaprefacein1822。Spenceisbetterknownasanentomologist，andcollaboratedwithWilliamKirby。
　　5。Tracts1822，p。xiii。
　　6。Ibid。，p。59。
　　7。Chalmber’sWorkswerepublishedintwenty-fivevolumesin1841-42。
　　8。Chalmers’sWorks，i，237。
　　9。ThisessayisnotinhiscollectedWorks，thoughinvol。xxi，itispromisedforthenextvolume。
　　10。Works，xix，andxx。
　　11。Mill’sPoliticalEconomy，bk。i，ch。v§；7and8。SeeChalmers，xix，140。
　　12。NationalResourcesAppendix。
　　13。Works，xix，306。
　　14。Ibid。，xix，226，233。
　　15。NationalResources，p。48。