andwhatthetrueprinciplesareofprotestantecclesiasticalpolicy。ThispolicyhadnobeingtillLuthermadehisestablishmentinGermany；tillZwingliusbegananotherinSwitzerland，whichCalvincarriedon，and，likeAmericusVesputiuswhofollowedChristopherColumbus，robbedthefirstadventurerofhishonor；andtillthereformationinourcountrywasperfectedunderEdwardtheSixthandElizabeth。Evenpopishecclesiasticalpolicyisnolongerthesamesincethatera。Hisholinessisnolongerattheheadofthewholewesternchurch：andtokeepthepartthatadherestohim，heisobligedtoloosentheirchains，andtolightenhisyoke。Thespiritandpretensionsofhiscourtarethesame，butnotthepower。Hegovernsbyexpedientandmanagementmore，andbyauthorityless。Hisdecreesandhisbriefsareindangerofbeingrefused，explainedaway，orevaded，unlesshenegotiatestheiracceptancebeforehegivesthem，governsinconcertwithhisflock，andfeedshissheepaccordingtotheirhumorandinterest。Inshort，hisexcommunications，thatmadethegreatestemperorstremble，aredespisedbythelowestmembersofhisowncommunion；andtheremainingattachmenttohimhasbeen，fromthisera，ratherapoliticalexpedienttopreserveanappearanceofunity，thanaprincipleofconscience；whateversomebigottedprincesmayhavethought，whateverambitiousprelatesandhirelingscribblersmayhavetaught，andwhateverapeople，workeduptoenthusiasmbyfanaticalpreachers，mayhaveacted。Proofsofthiswouldbeeasytodraw，notonlyfromtheconductofsuchprincesasFerdinandtheFirstandMaximiliantheSecond，whocouldscarcebeesteemedpapiststhoughtheycontinuedinthepope’scommunion；butevenfromthatofprinceswhopersecutedtheirprotestantsubjectswithgreatviolence。Enoughhasbeensaid，Ithink，toshowyourlordshiphowlittleneedthereisofgoinguphigherthanthebeginningofthesixteenthcenturyinthestudyofhistory，toacquirealltheknowledgenecessaryatthistimeinecclesiasticalpolicy，orincivilpolicyasfarasitisrelativetothis。Historicalmonumentsofthissortareineveryman’shand，thefactsaresufficientlyverified，andtheentiresceneslieopentoourobservation：eventhatsceneofsolemnrefinedbanterexhibitedinthecouncilofTrent，imposesonnomanwhoreadsPaolo，aswellasPallavicini，andthelettersofVargas。
　　AViewoftheCivilGovernmentofEuropeintheBeginningoftheSixteenthCenturyI。InFranceAverylittlehigherneedwego，toobservethosegreatchangesinthecivilconstitutionsoftheprincipalnationsofEurope，inthepartitionofpoweramongthem，andbyconsequenceinthewholesystemofEuropeanpolicy，whichhaveoperatedsostronglyformorethantwocenturies，andwhichoperatestill。IwillnotaffrontthememoryofourHenrytheSeventhsomuchastocomparehimtoLouistheEleventh：andyetIperceivesomeresemblancebetweenthem；whichwouldperhapsappeargreater，ifPhilipofCommineshadwrittenthehistoryofHenryaswellasthatofLouis；orifmyLordBaconhadwrittenthatofLouisaswellasthatofHenry。ThisprincecametothecrownofEnglandalittlebeforethecloseofthefifteenthcentury：andLouisbeganhisreigninFranceabouttwentyyearssooner。Thesereignsmakeremarkableperiodsinthehistoriesofbothnations。Toreducethepower，privileges，andpossessionsofthenobility，andtoincreasethewealthandauthorityofthecrown，wastheprincipalobjectofboth。Inthistheirsuccesswassogreat，thattheconstitutionsofthetwogovernmentshavehad，sincethattime，moreresemblance，innameandinformthaninreality，totheconstitutionsthatprevailedbefore。LouistheEleventhwasthefirst，saytheFrench，“quimitlesroishorsdepage。“Theindependencyofthenobilityhadrenderedthestateofhispredecessorsverydependent，andtheirpowerprecarious。Theywerethesovereignsofgreatvassals；butthesevassalsweresopowerfulthatoneofthemwassometimesable，andtwoorthreeofthemalways，togivelawtothesovereign。BeforeLouiscametothecrown，theEnglishhadbeendrivenoutoftheirpossessionsinFrance，bythepoorcharacterofHenrytheSixth，thedomestictroublesofhisreign，andthedefectionofthehouseofBurgundyfromthisalliance，muchmorethanbytheabilityofCharlestheSeventh，whoseemstohavebeenneitheragreaterheronoragreaterpoliticianthanHenrytheSixth；andeventhanbythevigorandunionoftheFrenchnobilityinhisservice。AfterLouiscametothecrown，EdwardtheFourthmadeashowofcarryingthewaragainintoFrance；buthesoonreturnedhomeandyourlordshipwillnotbeatalosstofindmuchbetterreasonsforhisdoingso，inthesituationofhisaffairsandthecharactersofhisallies，thanthosewhichPhilipofComminesdrawsfromtheartificeofLouis，fromhisgoodcheer，andhispensions。
　　NowfromthistimeourpretensionsonFrancewereineffectgivenup：andCharlestheBold，thelastprinceofthehouseofBurgundy，beingkilled，Louishadnovassalabletomolesthim。Here-unitedtheDutchyofBurgundyandArtoistohiscrown，heacquiredProvencebygift，andhissonBrittanybymarriage：andthusFrancegrew，inthecourseofafewyears，intothatgreatandcompactbodywhichwebeholdatthistime。ThehistoryofFrancebeforehisperiodis，likethatofGermany，acomplicatedhistoryofseveralstatesandseveralinterests；sometimesconcurringlikemembersofthesamemonarchy，andsometimeswarringononeanother。Sincethisperiod，thehistoryofFranceisthehistoryofonestateunderamoreuniformandorderlygovernment；
　　thehistoryofamonarchywhereintheprinceispossessorofsome，aswellaslordofallthegreatfieffes：and，theauthorityofmanytyrantscenteringinone，thoughthepeoplearenotbecomemorefree，yetthewholesystemofdomesticpolicyisentirelychanged。Peaceathomeisbettersecured，andthenationgrownfittertocarrywarabroad。Thegovernorsofgreatprovincesandofstrongfortresseshaveopposedtheirking，andtakenarmsagainsthisauthorityandcommissionsincethattime：butyetthereisnomoreresemblancebetweentheauthorityandpretensionsofthesegovernors，orthenatureandoccasionsofthesedisputes，andtheauthorityandpretensionsofthevassalsofthecrowninformerdays，orthenatureandoccasionsoftheirdisputeswiththeprinceandwithoneanother，thanthereisbetweentheancientandthepresentpeersofFrance。Inaword，theconstitutionissoaltered，thatanyknowledgewecanacquireaboutitinthehistorythatprecedesthisperiod，willservetolittlepurposeinourstudyofthehistorythatfollowsit，andtolesspurposestillinassistingustojudgeofwhatpassesinthepresentage。ThekingsofFrancesincethattime，moremastersathome，havebeenabletoexertthemselvesmoreabroad：andtheybegantodosoimmediately；
　　forCharlestheEighth，sonandsuccessorofLouistheEleventh，formedgreatdesignsofforeignconquests，thoughtheyweredisappointedbyhisinability，bythelevityofthenation，andbyothercauses。LouistheTwelfthandFrancistheFirst，butespeciallyFrancis，meddleddeepintheaffairsofEurope：
　　andthoughthesuperiorgeniusofFerdinandcalledtheCatholic，andthestarofCharlestheFifthprevailedagainstthem，yettheeffortstheymadeshowsufficientlyhowthestrengthandimportanceofthismonarchywereincreasedintheirtime。FromwhencewemaydatelikewisetherivalshipofthehouseofFrance，forwemayreckonthatofValoisandthatofBourbonasoneuponthisoccasion，andthehouseofAustria；thatcontinuesatthisday，andthathascostsomuchbloodandsomuchtreasureinthecourseofit。
　　II。InEnglandThoughthepowerandinfluenceofthenobilitysunkinthegreatchangethatbeganunderHenrytheSeventhinEngland，astheydidinthatwhichbeganunderLouistheEleventhinFrance；yetthenewconstitutionsthatthesechangesproducedwereverydifferent。InFrancethelordsalonelost，thekingalonegained；theclergyheldtheirpossessionsandtheirimmunities，andthepeopleremainedinastateofmitigatedslavery。ButinEnglandthepeoplegainedaswellasthecrown。Thecommonshadalreadyashareinthelegislature；sothatthepowerandinfluenceofthelordsbeingbrokebyHenrytheSeventh，andthepropertyofthecommonsincreasingbythesalethathissonmadeofchurch-lands，thepowerofthelatterincreasedofcoursebythischangeinaconstitution，theformswhereofwerefavorabletothem。
　　TheunionoftherosesputanendtothecivilwarsofYorkandLancaster，thathadsucceededthosewecommonlycallthebarons’wars，andthehumorofwarringinFrance，thathadlastednearfourhundredyearsundertheNormansandPlantagenets，forplunderaswellasconquest，wasspent。OurtempleofJanuswasshutbyHenrytheSeventh。Weneitherlaidwasteourownnorothercountriesanylonger：andwiselawsandawisegovernmentchangedinsensiblythemanners，andgaveanewturntothespiritofourpeople。Wewerenolongerthefreebooterswehadbeen。Ournationmaintainedherreputationinarmswheneverthepublicinterestorthepublicauthorityrequiredit；
　　butwarceasedtobe，whatithadbeen，ourprincipalandalmostoursoleprofession。Theartsofpeaceprevailedamongus。Webecamehusbandmen，manufacturers，andmerchants，andweemulatedneighboringnationsinliterature。Itisfromthistimethatweoughttostudythehistoryofourcountry，mylord，withtheutmostapplication。Wearenotmuchconcernedtoknowwithcriticalaccuracywhatweretheancientformsofourparliaments，concerningwhich，however，thereislittleroomfordisputefromthereignofHenrytheThirdatleast；
　　norinshortthewholesystemofourcivilconstitutionbeforeHenrytheSeventh，andofourecclesiasticalconstitutionbeforeHenrytheEighth。
　　Buthewhohasnotstudiedandacquiredathoroughknowledgeofthemboth，fromtheseperiodsdowntothepresenttime，inallthevarietyofeventsbywhichtheyhavebeenaffected，willbeveryunfittojudgeortakecareofeither。Justaslittleareweconcernedtoknow，inanynicedetail，whattheconductofourprinces，relativelytoourneighborsonthecontinent，wasbeforethisperiod，andatatimewhenthepartitionofpowerandamultitudeofothercircumstancesrenderedthewholepoliticalsystemofEuropesovastlydifferentfromthatwhichhasexistedsince。Buthewhohasnottracedthisconductfromtheperiodwefix，downtothepresentage，wantsaprincipalpartoftheknowledgethateveryEnglishministerofstateshouldhave。Ignoranceintherespectsherespokenofisthelesspardonable，becausewehavemore，andmoreauthentic，meansofinformationconcerningthis，thanconcerninganyotherperiod。Anecdotesenowtoglutthecuriosityofsomepersons，andtosilenceallthecaptiouscavilsofothers，willneverbefurnishedbyanyportionofhistory；norindeedcantheyaccordingtothenatureandcourseofhumanaffairs：buthewhoiscontenttoreadandobserve，likeasenatorandastatesman，willfindinourownandinforeignhistoriansasmuchinformationashewants，concerningtheaffairsofourisland，herfortuneathomeandherconductabroad，fromthefifteenthcenturytotheeighteenth。Irefertoforeignhistoriansaswellastoourown，forthisseriesofourownhistory；
　　notonlybecauseitisreasonabletoseeinwhatmannerthehistoriansofothercountrieshaverelatedthetransactionswhereinwehavebeenconcerned，andwhatjudgmenttheyhavemadeofourconduct，domesticandforeign，butforanotherreasonlikewise。Ournationhasfurnishedasampleandasimportantmatter，goodandbad，forhistory，asanynationunderthesun：andyetwemustyieldthepalminwritinghistorymostcertainlytotheItaliansandtotheFrench，and，Ifear，eventotheGermans。Theonlytwopiecesofhistorywehave，inanyrespecttobecomparedwiththeancient，are，thereignofHenrytheSeventhbymylordBacon，andthehistoryofourcivilwarsinthelastcenturybyyournobleancestormylordchancellorClarendon。Butwehavenogeneralhistorytobecomparedwithsomeofothercountries：neitherhavewe，whichIlamentmuchmore，particularhistories，exceptthetwoI
　　havementioned，norwritersofmemorials，norcollectorsofmonumentsandanecdotes，tovieinnumberorinmeritwiththosethatforeignnationscanboast；fromCommines，Guicciardin，DuBellay，Paola，Davila，Thuanus，andamultitudeofothers，downthroughthewholeperiodthatIproposetoyourlordship。Butalthoughthisbetrue，toourshame；yetitistruelikewisethatwewantnonecessarymeansofinformation。Theylieopentoourindustryandourdiscernment。Foreignwritersareforthemostpartscarceworthreadingwhentheyspeakofourdomesticaffairs；norareourEnglishwritersforthemostpartofgreatervaluewhentheyspeakofforeignaffairs。Inthismutualdefect，thewritersofothercountriesare，Ithink，moreexcusablethanours：forthenatureofourgovernment，thepoliticalprinciplesinwhichwearebred，ourdistinctinterestsasislanders，andthecomplicatedvariousinterestsandhumorsofourparties，allthesearesopeculiartoourselves，andsodifferentfromthenotions，manners，andhabitsofothernations，thatitisnotwonderfultheyshouldbepuzzled，orshouldfallintoerror，whentheyundertaketogiverelationsofeventsthatresultfromallthese，ortopassanyjudgmentuponthem。Butasthesehistoriansaremutuallydefective，sotheymutuallysupplyeachother’sdefects。Wemustcomparethemtherefore，makeuseofourdiscernment，anddrawourconclusionsfromboth。Ifweproceedinthismanner，wehaveanamplefundofhistoryinourpower，fromwhencetocollectsufficientauthenticinformation；andwemustproceedinthismanner，evenwithourownhistoriansofdifferentreligions，sects，andparties，orruntheriskofbeingmisledbydomesticignoranceandprejudiceinthiscase，aswellasbyforeignignoranceandprejudiceintheother。