首页 >出版文学> Theodore Roosevelt>第71章
  Idonotforamomentbelievethatouractionshavebroughtonbusinessdistress;sofarasthisisduetolocalandnotworld-
  widecauses,andtotheactionsofanyparticularindividuals,itisduetothespeculativefollyandflagrantdishonestyofafewmenofgreatwealth,whonowseektoshieldthemselvesfromtheeffectsoftheirownwrongdoingsbyascribingitsresultstotheactionsofthosewhohavesoughttoputastoptothewrongdoing。
  Butifitweretruethattocutoutrottennessfromthebodypoliticmeantamomentarychecktoanunhealthyseemingprosperity,Ishouldnotforonemomenthesitatetoputtheknifetothecancer。Onbehalfofallourpeople,onbehalfnolessofthehonestmanofmeansthanofthehonestmanwhoearnseachday’slivelihoodbythatday’ssweatofhisbrow,itisnecessarytoinsistuponhonestyinbusinessandpoliticsalike,inallwalksoflife,inbigthingsandinlittlethings;uponjustandfairdealingasbetweenmanandman。WearestrivingfortherightinthespiritofAbrahamLincolnwhenhesaid:
  “Fondlydowehope——ferventlydowepray——thatthismightyscourgemayspeedilypassaway。Yet,ifGodwillsthatitcontinueuntilallthewealthpiledbythebondsmen’stwohundredandfiftyyearsofunrequitedtoilshallbesunk,anduntileverydropofblooddrawnwiththelashshallbepaidbyanotherdrawnwiththesword,aswassaidthreethousandyearsago,sostillitmustbesaid,’ThejudgmentsoftheLordaretrueandrighteousaltogether。’
  “Withmalicetowardnone;withcharityforall;withfirmnessintheright,asGodgivesustoseetheright,letusstriveontofinishtheworkwearein。”
  Sincerelyyours,THEODOREROOSEVELT。
  BythetimeIbecamePresidentIhadgrowntofeelwithdeepintensityofconvictionthatgovernmentalagenciesmustfindtheirjustificationlargelyinthewayinwhichtheyareusedforthepracticalbettermentoflivingandworkingconditionsamongthemassofthepeople。Ifeltthatthefightwasreallyfortheabolitionofprivilege;andoneofthefirststagesinthebattlewasnecessarilytofightfortherightsoftheworkingman。ForthisreasonIfeltmoststronglythatallthatthegovernmentcoulddointheinterestoflaborshouldbedone。TheFederalGovernmentcanrarelyactwiththedirectnessthattheStategovernmentsact。Itcan,however,doagooddeal。MypurposewastomaketheNationalGovernmentitselfamodelemployeroflabor,theeffortbeingtomaketheperdiememployeejustasmuchastheCabinetofficerregardhimselfasoneofthepartnersemployedintheserviceofthepublic,proudofhiswork,eagertodoitinthebestpossiblemanner,andconfidentofjusttreatment。OuraimwasalsotosecuregoodlawswherevertheNationalGovernmenthadpower,notablyintheTerritories,intheDistrictofColumbia,andinconnectionwithinter-Statecommerce。Ifoundtheeight-hourlawamerefarce,thedepartmentsrarelyenforcingitwithanydegreeofefficiency。ThisI
  remediedbyexecutiveaction。Unfortunately,thoroughlyefficientgovernmentservantsoftenprovedtobetheprimeoffenderssofarastheenforcementoftheeight-hourlawwasconcerned,becauseintheirzealtogetgoodworkdonefortheGovernmenttheybecameharshtaskmasters,anddeclinedtoconsidertheneedsoftheirfellow-
  employeeswhoservedunderthem。ThemoreIhadstudiedthesubjectthemorestronglyIhadbecomeconvincedthataneight-hourdayundertheconditionsoflaborintheUnitedStateswasallthatcould,withwisdomandpropriety,berequiredeitherbytheGovernmentorbyprivateemployers;thatmorethanthismeant,ontheaverage,adecreaseinthequalitiesthattellforgoodcitizenship。Ifinallysolvedtheproblem,asfarasGovernmentemployeeswereconcerned,bycallinginCharlesP。Neill,theheadoftheLaborBureau;andactingonhisadvice,Ispeedilymadetheeight-hourlawreallyeffective。
  Anymanwhoshirkedhiswork,whodawdledandidled,receivednomercy;slacknessisevenworsethanharshness;forexactlyasinbattlemercytothecowardiscrueltytothebraveman,soincivillifeslacknesstowardstheviciousandidleisharshnesstowardsthehonestandhardworking。
  WepassedagoodlawprotectingthelivesandhealthofminersintheTerritories,andotherlawsprovidingforthesupervisionofemploymentagenciesintheDistrictofColumbia,andprotectingthehealthofmotormenandconductorsonstreetrailwaysintheDistrict。
  WepracticallystartedtheBureauofMines。WeprovidedforsafeguardingfactoryemployeesintheDistrictagainstaccidents,andfortherestrictionofchildlabortherein。Wepassedaworkmen’scompensationlawfortheprotectionofGovernmentemployees;alawwhichdidnotgoasfarasIwished,butwhichwasthebestIcouldget,andwhichcommittedtheGovernmenttotherightpolicy。WeprovidedforaninvestigationofwomanandchildlaborintheUnitedStates。WeincorporatedtheNationalChildLaborCommittee。Wherewehadmostdifficultywaswiththerailwaycompaniesengagedininter-
  Statebusiness。Wepassedanactimprovingsafetyappliancesonrailwaytrainswithoutmuchopposition,butwehadmoretroublewithactsregulatingthehoursoflaborofrailwayemployeesandmakingthoserailwayswhichwereengagedininter-Statecommerceliableforinjuriestoorthedeathoftheiremployeeswhileonduty。OneimportantstepinconnectionwiththeselatterlawswastakenbyAttorney-GeneralMoodywhen,onbehalfoftheGovernment,heintervenedinthecaseofawrongedemployee。ItisunjustthatalawwhichhasbeendeclaredpublicpolicybytherepresentativesofthepeopleshouldbesubmittedtothepossibilityofnullificationbecausetheGovernmentleavestheenforcementofittotheprivateinitiativeofpoorpeoplewhohavejustsufferedsomecrushingaccident。ItshouldbethebusinessoftheGovernmenttoenforcelawsofthiskind,andtoappearincourttoarguefortheirconstitutionalityandproperenforcement。ThankstoMoody,theGovernmentassumedthisposition。
  Thefirstemployers’liabilitylawaffectinginter-Staterailroadswasdeclaredunconstitutional。Wegotthroughanother,whichstoodthetestofthecourts。
  Theprincipletowhichweespeciallystrovetogiveexpression,throughtheselawsandthroughexecutiveaction,wasthatarightisvaluelessunlessreducedfromtheabstracttotheconcrete。Thissoundslikeatruism。Sofarfrombeingsuch,theeffortpracticallytoapplyitwasalmostrevolutionary,andgaverisetothebitterestdenunciationofusbyallthebiglawyers,andallthebignewspapereditors,who,whethersincerelyorforhire,gaveexpressiontotheviewsoftheprivilegedclasses。EversincetheCivilWarverymanyofthedecisionsofthecourts,notasregardsordinaryactionsbetweenmanandman,butasregardstheapplicationofgreatgovernmentalpoliciesforsocialandindustrialjustice,hadbeeninrealitynothingbutingeniousjustificationofthetheorythatthesepoliciesweremerehigh-soundingabstractions,andwerenottobegivenpracticaleffect。Thetendencyofthecourtshadbeen,inthemajorityofcases,jealouslytoexerttheirgreatpowerinprotectingthosewholeastneededprotectionandhardlytousetheirpoweratallintheinterestofthosewhomostneededprotection。OurdesirewastomaketheFederalGovernmentefficientasaninstrumentforprotectingtherightsoflaborwithinitsprovince,andthereforetosecureandenforcejudicialdecisionswhichwouldpermitustomakethisdesireeffective。NotonlysomeoftheFederaljudges,butsomeoftheStatecourtsinvokedtheConstitutioninaspiritofthenarrowestlegalisticobstructiontopreventtheGovernmentfromactingindefenseoflaboroninter-Staterailways。Ineffect,thesejudgestooktheviewthatwhileCongresshadcompletepowerasregardsthegoodstransportedbytherailways,andcouldprotectwealthyorwell-to-doownersofthesegoods,yetthatithadnopowertoprotectthelivesofthemenengagedintransportingthegoods。Suchjudgesfreelyissuedinjunctionstopreventtheobstructionoftrafficintheinterestofthepropertyowners,butdeclaredunconstitutionaltheactionoftheGovernmentinseekingtosafeguardthemen,andthefamiliesofthemen,withoutwhoselaborthetrafficcouldnottakeplace。Itwasaninstanceofthelargelyunconsciouswayinwhichthecourtshadbeentwistedintotheexaltationofpropertyrightsoverhumanrights,andthesubordinationofthewelfareofthelaborerwhencomparedwiththeprofitofthemanforwhomhelabored。BywhatI
  fearmyconservativefriendsregardedasfrightfullyaggressivemissionarywork,whichincludedsomeuncommonlyplainspeakingastocertainunjustandanti-socialjudicialdecisions,wesucceededinlargely,butbynomeansaltogether,correctingthisview,atleastsofarasthebestandmostenlightenedjudgeswereconcerned。
  VerymuchthemostimportantactionItookasregardslaborhadnothingtodowithlegislation,andrepresentedexecutiveactionwhichwasnotrequiredbytheConstitution。ItillustratedaswellasanythingthatIdidthetheorywhichIhavecalledtheJackson-LincolntheoryofthePresidency;thatis,thatoccasionallygreatnationalcrisesarisewhichcallforimmediateandvigorousexecutiveaction,andthatinsuchcasesitisthedutyofthePresidenttoactuponthetheorythatheisthestewardofthepeople,andthattheproperattitudeforhimtotakeisthatheisboundtoassumethathehasthelegalrighttodowhatevertheneedsofthepeopledemand,unlesstheConstitutionorthelawsexplicitlyforbidhimtodoit。
  Earlyinthespringof1902auniversalstrikebeganintheanthraciteregions。Theminersandtheoperatorsbecamedeeplyembittered,andthestrikewentonthroughoutthesummerandtheearlyfallwithoutanysignofreachinganend,andwithalmostcompletestoppageofmining。Inmanycities,especiallyintheEast,theheatingapparatusisdesignedforanthracite,sothatthebituminouscoalisonlyaverypartialsubstitute。Moreover,inmanyregions,eveninfarmhouses,manyoftheprovisionsareforburningcoalandnotwood。Inconsequence,thecoalfaminebecameaNationalmenaceasthewinterapproached。InmostbigcitiesandmanyfarmingdistrictseastoftheMississippitheshortageofanthracitethreatenedcalamity。InthepopulousindustrialStates,fromOhioeastward,itwasnotmerelycalamity,butthedirectdisaster,thatwasthreatened。Ordinarilyconservativemen,menverysensitiveastotherightsofpropertyundernormalconditions,whenfacedbythiscrisisfelt,quiterightly,thattheremustbesomeradicalaction。TheGovernorofMassachusettsandtheMayorofNewYorkbothnotifiedme,asthecoldweathercameon,thatifthecoalfaminecontinuedthemiserythroughouttheNortheast,andespeciallyinthegreatcities,wouldbecomeappalling,andtheconsequentpublicdisordersogreatthatfrightfulconsequencesmightfollow。ItisnottoomuchtosaythatthesituationwhichconfrontedPennsylvania,NewYork,andNewEngland,andtoalessdegreetheStatesoftheMiddleWest,inOctober,1902,wasquiteasseriousasiftheyhadbeenthreatenedbytheinvasionofahostilearmyofoverwhelmingforce。
  Thebigcoaloperatorshadbandedtogether,andpositivelyrefusedtotakeanystepslookingtowardanaccommodation。Theyknewthatthesufferingamongtheminerswasgreat;theywereconfidentthatiforderwerekept,andnothingfurtherdonebytheGovernment,theywouldwin;andtheyrefusedtoconsiderthatthepublichadanyrightsinthematter。Theywere,forthemostpart,menofunquestionablygoodprivatelife,andtheyweremerelytakingtheextremeindividualisticviewoftherightsofpropertyandthefreedomofindividualactionupheldinthe/laissez-faire/politicaleconomics。
  ThemineswereintheStateofPennsylvania。TherewasnodutywhateverlaiduponmebytheConstitutioninthematter,andIhadintheorythepowertoactdirectlyunlesstheGovernorofPennsylvaniaortheLegislature,ifitwereinsession,shouldnotifymethatPennsylvaniacouldnotkeeporder,andrequestmeascommander-in-
  chiefofthearmyoftheUnitedStatestointerveneandkeeporder。
  AslongasIcouldavoidinterferingIdidso;butIdirectedtheheadoftheLaborBureau,CarrollWright,tomakeathoroughinvestigationandlaythefactsfullybeforeme。AsSeptemberpassedwithoutanysignofweakeningeitheramongtheemployersorthestrikingworkmen,thesituationbecamesogravethatIfeltIwouldhavetotrytodosomething。ThethingmostfeasiblewastogetbothsidestoagreetoaCommissionofArbitration,withapromisetoacceptitsfindings;theminerstogotoworkassoonasthecommissionwasappointed,attheoldrateofwages。Tothispropositiontheminers,headedbyJohnMitchell,agreed,stipulatingonlythatIshouldhavethepowertonametheCommission。Theoperators,however,positivelyrefused。TheyinsistedthatallthatwasnecessarytodowasfortheStatetokeeporder,usingthemilitiaasapoliceforce;althoughboththeyandtheminersaskedmetointerveneundertheInter-StateCommerceLaw,eachsiderequestingthatIproceedagainsttheother,andbothrequestsbeingimpossible。