首页 >出版文学> The Principles of Political Economy with some of t>第22章
  Butthoughprofitsthusvary,theparityonthewhole,of
  differentmodesofemployingcapital(intheabsenceofany
  naturalorartificialmonopoly)is,inacertain,andavery
  importantsense,maintained。Onanaverage(whatevermaybethe
  occasionalfluctuation)thevariousemploymentsofcapitalareon
  suchafootingastoholdoutnotequalprofits,butequal
  expectationsofprofit,topersonsofaverageabilitiesand
  advantages。Byequal,Imeanaftermakingcompensationforany
  inferiorityintheagreeablenessorsafetyofanemployment。If
  thecasewerenotso;iftherewere,evidently,andtocommon
  experience,morefavourablechancesofpecuniarysuccessinone
  businessthaninothers,morepersonswouldengagetheircapital
  inthebusiness,orwouldbringuptheirsonstoit;whichin
  factalwayshappenswhenabusiness,likethatofanengineerat
  present,orlikeanynewlyestablishedandprosperous
  manufacture,isseentobeagrowingandthrivingone。If,onthe
  contrary,abusinessisnotconsideredthriving;ifthechances
  ofprofitinitarethoughttobeinferiortothoseinother
  employments;capitalgraduallyleavesit,oratleastnewcapital
  isnotattractedtoit;andbythischangeinthedistributionof
  capitalbetweenthelessprofitableandthemoreprofitable
  employments,asortofbalanceisrestored。Theexpectationof
  profit,therefore,indifferentemployments,cannotlongcontinue
  verydifferent:theytendtoacommonaverage,thoughtheyare
  generallyoscillatingfromonesidetotheothersideofthe
  medium。
  Thisequalizingprocess,commonlydescribedasthetransfer
  ofcapitalfromoneemploymenttoanother,isnotnecessarilythe
  onerous,slow,andalmostimpracticableoperationwhichitis
  veryoftenrepresentedtobe。Inthefirstplace,itdoesnot
  alwaysimplytheactualremovalofcapitalalreadyembarkedinan
  employment。Inarapidlyprogressivestateofcapital,the
  adjustmentoftentakesplacebymeansofthenewaccumulationsof
  eachyear,whichdirectthemselvesinpreferencetowardsthemore
  thrivingtrades。Evenwhenarealtransferofcapitalis
  necessary,itisbynomeansimpliedthatanyofthosewhoare
  engagedintheunprofitableemployment,relinquishbusinessand
  breakuptheirestablishments。Thenumerousandmultifarious
  channelsofcredit。throughwhich,incommercialnations,
  unemployedcapitaldiffusesitselfoverthefieldofemployment,
  flowingoveringreaterabundancetothelowerlevels,arethe
  meansbywhichtheequalizationisaccomplished。Theprocess
  consistsinalimitationbyoneclassofdealersorproducers,
  andanextensionbytheother,ofthatportionoftheirbusiness
  whichiscaRedonwithborrowedcapital。Thereisscarcelyany
  dealerorproduceronaconsiderablescale,whoconfineshis
  businesstowhatcanbecarriedonbyhisownfunds。Whentrade
  isgood,henotonlyusestotheutmosthisowncapital,but
  employs,inaddition,muchofthecreditwhichthatcapital
  obtainsforhim。When,eitherfromover—supplyorfromsome
  slackeninginthedemandforhiscommodity,hefindsthatit
  sellsmoreslowlyorobtainsalowerprice,hecontractshis
  operations,anddoesnotapplytobankersorothermoneydealers
  forarenewaloftheiradvancestothesameextentasbefore。A
  businesswhichisincreasingholdsout,onthecontrary,a
  prospectofprofitableemploymentforalargeramountofthis
  floatingcapitalthanpreviously,andthoseengagedinitbecome
  applicantstothemoneydealersforlargeradvances,which,from
  theirimprovingcircumstances,theyhavenodifficultyin
  obtaining。Adifferentdistributionoffloatingcapitalbetween
  twoemploymentshasasmucheffectinrestoringtheirprofitsto
  anequilibrium,asiftheownersofanequalamountofcapital
  weretoabandontheonetradeandcarrytheircapitalintothe
  other。Thiseasy,andasitwerespontaneous,methodof
  accommodatingproductiontodemand,isquitesufficientto
  correctanyinequalitiesarisingfromthefluctuationsoftrade,
  orothercausesofordinaryoccurrence。Inthecaseofan
  altogetherdecliningtrade,inwhichitisnecessarythatthe
  productionshouldbe,notoccasionallyvaried,butgreatlyand
  permanentlydiminished,orperhapsstoppedaltogether,the
  processofextricatingthecapitalis,nodoubt,tardyand
  difficult,andalmostalwaysattendedwithconsiderableloss;
  muchofthecapitalfixedinmachinery,buildings,permanent
  works,&c。beingeithernotapplicabletoanyotherpurpose,or
  onlyapplicableafterexpensivealterations;andtimebeing
  seldomgivenforeffectingthechangeinthemodeinwhichit
  wouldbeeffectedwithleastloss,namely,bynotreplacingthe
  fixedcapitalasitwearsout。Thereisbesides,intotally
  changingthedestinationofacapital,sogreatasacrificeof
  establishedconnexion,andofacquiredskillandexperience,that
  peoplearealwaysveryslowinresolvinguponit,andhardlyever
  dosountillongafterachangeoffortunehasbecomehopeless。
  These,however,aredistinctlyexceptionalcases,andevenin
  thesetheequalizationisatlasteffected。Itmayalsohappen
  thatthereturntoequilibriumisconsiderablyprotracted,when,
  beforeoneinequalityhasbeencorrected,anothercauseof
  inequalityarises;whichissaidtohavebeencontinuallythe
  caseduringalongseriesofyears,withtheproductionofcotton
  intheSouthernStatesofNorthAmerica;thecommodityhaving
  beenupheldatwhatwasvirtuallyamonopolyprice,becausethe
  increaseofdemand,fromsuccessiveimprovementsinthe
  manufacture,wentonwitharapiditysomuchbeyondexpectation
  thatformanyyearsthesupplynevercompletelyovertookit。But
  itisnotoftenthatasuccessionofdisturbingcauses,all
  actinginthesamedirection,areknowntofollowoneanother
  withhardlyanyinterval。Wherethereisnomonopoly,theprofits
  ofatradearelikelytorangesometimesaboveandsometimes
  belowthegenerallevel,buttendingalwaystoreturntoit;like
  theoscillationsofthependulum。
  Ingeneral,then,althoughprofitsareverydifferentto
  differentindividuals,andtothesameindividualindifferent
  years,therecannotbemuchdiversityatthesametimeandplace
  intheaverageprofitsofdifferentemployments,(otherthanthe
  standingdifferencesnecessarytocompensatefordifferenceof
  attractiveness,)exceptforshortperiods,orwhensomegreat
  permanentrevulsionhasovertakenaparticulartrade。Ifany
  popularimpressionexiststhatsometradesaremoreprofitable
  thanothers,independentlyofmonopoly,orofsuchrareaccidents
  ashavebeennoticedinregardtothecottontrade,the
  impressionisinallprobabilityfallacious,sinceifitwere
  sharedbythosewhohavegreatestmeansofknowledgeandmotives
  toaccurateexamination,therewouldtakeplacesuchaninfluxof
  capitalaswouldsoonlowertheprofitstothecommonlevel。It
  istruethat,topersonswiththesameamountoforiginalmeans,
  thereismorechanceofmakingalargefortuneinsome
  employmentsthaninothers。Butitwouldbefoundthatinthose
  sameemployments,bankruptciesalsoaremorefrequent,andthat
  thechanceofgreatersuccessisbalancedbyagreater
  probabilityofcompletefailure。Veryoftenitismorethan
  balanced:for,aswasremarkedinanothercase,thechanceof
  greatprizesoperateswithagreaterdegreeofstrengththan
  arithmeticwillwarrant,inattractingcompetitors;andIdoubt
  notthattheaveragegains,inatradeinwhichlargefortunes
  maybemade,arelowerthaninthoseinwhichgainsareslow,
  thoughcomparativelysure,andinwhichnothingistobe
  ultimatelyhopedforbeyondacompetency。Thetimbertradeof
  Canadaisoneexampleofanemploymentofcapitalpartakingso
  muchofthenatureofalottery,astomakeitanaccredited
  opinionthat,takingtheadventurersintheaggregate,thereis
  moremoneylostbythetradethangainedbyit;inotherwords,
  thattheaveragerateofprofitislessthannothing。Insuch
  pointsasthis,muchdependsonthecharactersofnations,
  accordingastheypartakemoreorlessoftheadventurous,or,as
  itiscalledwhentheintentionistoblameit,thegambling
  spirit。ThisspiritismuchstrongerintheUnitedStatesthanin
  GreatBritain;andinGreatBritainthaninanycountryofthe
  Continent。InsomeContinentalcountriesthetendencyissomuch
  thereverse,thatsafeandquietemploymentsprobablyyielda
  lessaverageprofittothecapitalengagedinthem,thanthose
  whichoffergreatergainsatthepriceofgreaterhazards。
  Itmustnothoweverbeforgotten,thateveninthecountries
  ofmostactivecompetition,customalsohasaconsiderableshare
  indeterminingtheprofitsoftrade。Thereissometimesanidea
  afloatastowhattheprofitofanemploymentshouldbe,which
  thoughnotadheredtobyallthedealers,norperhapsrigidlyby
  any,stillexercisesacertaininfluenceovertheiroperations。
  TherehasbeeninEnglandakindofnotion,howwidelyprevailing
  Iknownot,thatfiftypercentisaproperandsuitablerateof
  profitinretailtransactions:understand,notfiftypercenton
  thewholecapital,butanadvanceoffiftypercentonthe
  wholesaleprices;fromwhichhavetobedefrayedbaddebts,shop
  rent,thepayofclerks,shopmen,andagentsofalldescriptions,
  inshortalltheexpensesoftheretailbusiness。Ifthiscustom
  wereuniversal,andstrictlyadheredto,competitionindeedwould
  stilloperate,buttheconsumerwouldnotderiveanybenefitfrom
  it,atleastastoprice;thewayinwhichitwoulddiminishthe
  advantagesofthoseengagedintheretailtrade,wouldbebya
  greatersubdivisionofthebusiness。Insomepartsofthe
  Continentthestandardisashighasahundredpercent。The
  increaseofcompetitionhowever,inEnglandatleast,israpidly
  tendingtobreakdowncustomsofthisdescription。Inthe
  majorityoftrades(atleastinthegreatemporiaoftrade),
  therearenownumerousdealerswhosemottois,"smallgainsand
  frequent"——agreatbusinessatlowprices,ratherthanhigh
  pricesandfewtransactions;andbyturningovertheircapital
  morerapidly,andaddingtoitbyborrowedcapitalwhenneeded,
  thedealersoftenobtainindividuallyhigherprofits;thoughthey
  necessarilylowertheprofitsofthoseamongtheircompetitors,
  whodonotadoptthesameprinciple。Nevertheless,competition,
  asremarked(2*)inapreviouschapter,has,asyet,butalimited
  dominionoverretailprices;andconsequentlytheshareofthe
  wholeproduceoflandandlabourwhichisabsorbedinthe
  remunerationofmeredistributors,continuesexorbitant;and
  thereisnofunctionintheeconomyofsocietywhichsupportsa
  numberofpersonssodisproportionedtotheamountofworktobe
  performed。
  5。Theprecedingremarkshave,Ihope,sufficiently
  elucidatedwhatismeantbythecommonphrase,"theordinaryrate
  ofprofit;"andthesenseinwhich,andthelimitationsunder
  which,thisordinaryratehasarealexistence。Itnowremainsto
  consider,whatcausesdetermineitsamount。
  Topopularapprehensionitseemsasiftheprofitsof
  businessdependeduponprices。Aproducerordealerseemsto
  obtainhisprofitsbysellinghiscommodityformorethanitcost
  him。Profitaltogether,peopleareapttothink,isaconsequence
  ofpurchaseandsale。Itisonly(theysuppose)becausethereare
  purchasersforacommodity,thattheproducerofitisableto
  makeanyprofit。Demand——customers——amarketforthe
  commodity,arethecauseofthegainsofcapitalists。Itisby
  thesaleoftheirgoods,thattheyreplacetheircapital,andadd
  toitsamount。
  This,however,islookingonlyattheoutsidesurfaceofthe
  economicalmachineryofsociety。Innocase,wefind,isthemere
  moneywhichpassesfromonepersontoanother,thefundamental
  matterinanyeconomicalphenomenon。Ifwelookmorenarrowly
  intotheoperationsoftheproducer,weshallperceivethatthe
  moneyheobtainsforhiscommodityisnotthecauseofhishaving
  aprofit,butonlythemodeinwhichhisprofitispaidtohim。
  Thecauseofprofitis,thatlabourproducesmorethanis
  requiredforitssupport。Thereasonwhyagriculturalcapital
  yieldsaprofit,isbecausehumanbeingscangrowmorefood,than
  isnecessarytofeedthemwhileitisbeinggrown,includingthe
  timeoccupiedinconstructingthetools,andmakingallother
  needfulpreparations:fromwhichitisaconsequence,thatifa
  capitalistundertakestofeedthelabourersonconditionof
  receivingtheproduce,hehassomeofitremainingforhimself
  afterreplacinghisadvances。Tovarytheformofthetheorem:
  thereasonwhycapitalyieldsaprofit,isbecausefood,
  clothing,materials,andtools,lastlongerthanthetimewhich
  wasrequiredtoproducethem;sothatifacapitalistsuppliesa
  partyoflabourerswiththesethings,onconditionofreceiving
  alltheyproduce,theywill,inadditiontoreproducingtheirown
  necessariesandinstruments,haveaportionoftheirtime
  remaining,toworkforthecapitalist。Wethusseethatprofit
  arises,notfromtheincidentofexchange,butfromthe
  productivepoweroflabour;andthegeneralprofitofthecountry
  isalwayswhattheproductivepoweroflabourmakesit,whether
  anyexchangetakesplaceornot。Iftherewerenodivisionof
  employments,therewouldbenobuyingorselling,buttherewould
  stillbeprofit。Ifthelabourersofthecountrycollectively
  producetwentypercentmorethantheirwages,profitswillbe
  twentypercent,whateverpricesmayormaynotbe。Theaccidents
  ofpricemayforatimemakeonesetofproducersgetmorethan
  thetwentypercent,andanotherless,theonecommoditybeing
  ratedaboveitsnaturalvalueinrelationtoothercommodities,
  andtheotherbelow,untilpriceshaveagainadjustedthemselves;
  buttherewillalwaysbejusttwentypercentdividedamongthem
  all。
  Iproceed,inexpansionoftheconsiderationsthusbriefly
  indicated,toexhibitmoreminutelythemodeinwhichtherateof
  profitisdetermined。
  6。Iassume,throughout,thestateofthings,which,where
  thelabourersandcapitalistsareseparateclasses,prevails,
  withfewexceptions,universally;namely,thatthecapitalist
  advancesthewholeexpenses,includingtheentireremunerationof
  thelabourer。Thatheshoulddoso,isnotamatterofinherent
  necessity;thelabourermightwaituntiltheproductionis
  complete,forallthatpartofhiswageswhichexceedsmere
  necessaries;andevenforthewhole,ifhehasfundsinhand,
  sufficientforhistemporarysupport。Butinthelattercase,the
  laboureristothatextentreallyacapitalist,investingcapital
  intheconcern,bysupplyingaportionofthefundsnecessaryfor
  carryingiton;andevenintheformercasehemaybelookedupon
  inthesamelight,since,contributinghislabouratlessthan
  themarketprice,hemayberegardedaslendingthedifferenceto
  hisemployer,andreceivingitbackwithinterest(onwhatever
  principlecomputed)fromtheproceedsoftheenterprise。
  Thecapitalist,then,maybeassumedtomakeallthe
  advances,andreceivealltheproduce。Hisprofitconsistsofthe
  excessoftheproduceabovetheadvances;hisrateofprofitis
  theratiowhichthatexcessbearstotheamountadvanced。But
  whatdotheadvancesconsistof?
  Itis,forthepresent,necessarytosuppose,thatthe
  capitalistdoesnotpayanyrent;hasnottopurchasetheuseof
  anyappropriatednaturalagent。Thisindeedisscarcelyeverthe
  exacttruth。Theagriculturalcapitalist,exceptwhenheisthe
  ownerofthesoilhecultivates,always,oralmostalways,pays
  rent:andeveninmanufactures,(nottomentionground—rent,)the
  materialsofthemanufacturehavegenerallypaidrent,insome
  stageoftheirproduction。Thenatureofrent,however,wehave
  notyettakenintoconsideration;anditwillhereafterappear,
  thatnopracticalerror,onthequestionwearenowexamining,is
  producedbydisregardingit。
  If,then,leavingrentoutofthequestion,weinquirein
  whatitisthattheadvancesofthecapitalist,forpurposesof
  production,consist,weshallfindthattheyconsistofwagesof
  labour。
  Alargeportionoftheexpenditureofeverycapitalist
  consistsinthedirectpaymentofwages。Whatdoesnotconsistof
  this,iscomposedofmaterialsandimplements,including
  buildings。Butmaterialsandimplementsareproducedbylabour;
  andasoursupposedcapitalistisnotmeanttorepresentasingle
  employment,buttobeatypeoftheproductiveindustryofthe
  wholecountry,wemaysupposethathemakeshisowntools,and
  raiseshisownmaterials。Hedoesthisbymeansofprevious
  advances,which,again,consistwhollyofwages。Ifwesuppose
  himtobuythematerialsandtoolsinsteadofproducingthem,the
  caseisnotaltered:hethenrepaystoapreviousproducerthe
  wageswhichthatpreviousproducerhaspaid。Itistrue,he
  repaysittohimwithaprofit;andifhehadproducedthethings
  himself,hehimselfmusthavehadthatprofit,onthispartof
  hisoutlay,aswellasoneveryotherpart。Thefact,however,
  remains,thatinthewholeprocessofproduction,beginningwith
  thematerialsandtools,andendingwiththefinishedproduct,
  alltheadvanceshaveconsistedofnothingbutwages;exceptthat
  certainofthecapitalistsconcernedhave,forthesakeof
  generalconvenience,hadtheirshareofprofitpaidtothem
  beforetheoperationwascompleted。Whatever,oftheultimate
  product,isnotprofit,isrepaymentofwages。
  7。Itthusappearsthatthetwoelementsonwhich,andwhich
  alone,thegainsofthecapitalistsdepend,are,first,the
  magnitudeoftheproduce,inotherwords,theproductivepowerof
  labour;andsecondly,theproportionofthatproduceobtainedby
  thelabourersthemselves;theratio,whichtheremunerationof
  thelabourersbearstotheamounttheyproduce。Thesetwothings
  formthedatafordeterminingthegrossamountdividedasprofit
  amongallthecapitalistsofthecountry;buttherateofprofit,
  thepercentageonthecapital,dependsonlyonthesecondofthe
  twoelements,the1abourer’sproportionalshare,andnotonthe
  amounttobeshared。Iftheproduceoflabourweredoubled,and
  thelabourersobtainedthesameproportionalshareasbefore,
  thatis,iftheirremunerationwasalsodoubled,thecapitalists,
  itistrue,wouldgaintwiceasmuch;butastheywouldalsohave
  hadtoadvancetwiceasmuch,therateoftheirprofitwouldbe
  onlythesameasbefore。
  WethusarriveattheconclusionofRicardoandothers,that
  therateofprofitsdependsonwages;risingaswagesfall,and
  fallingaswagesrise。Inadopting,however,thisdoctrine,I
  mustinsistuponmakingamostnecessaryalterationinits
  wording。Insteadofsayingthatprofitsdependonwages,letus
  say(whatRicardoreallymeant)thattheydependonthecostof
  labour。
  Wages,andthecostoflabour;whatlabourbringsintothe
  labourer,andwhatitcoststothecapitalist;areideasquite
  distinct,andwhichitisoftheutmostimportancetokeepso。
  Forthispurposeitisessentialnottodesignatethem,asis
  almostalwaysdone,bythesamename。Wages,inpublic
  discussions,bothoralandprinted,beinglookeduponfromthe
  pointofviewofthepayers,muchoftenerthanfromthatofthe
  receivers,nothingismorecommonthantosaythatwagesarehigh
  orlow,meaningonlythatthecostoflabourishighorlow。The
  reverseofthiswouldbeoftenerthetruth:thecostoflabouris
  frequentlyatitshighestwherewagesarelowest。Thismayarise
  fromtwocauses。Inthefirstplace,thelabour,thoughcheap,
  maybeinefficient。InnoEuropeancountryarewagessolowas
  theyare(oratleastwere)inIreland:theremunerationofan
  agriculturallabourerinthewestofIrelandnotbeingmorethan
  halfthewagesofeventhelowest—paidEnglishman,the
  Dorsetshirelabourer。Butif,frominferiorskillandindustry,
  twodays’labourofanIrishmanaccomplishednomoreworkthanan
  Englishlabourerperformedinone,theIrishman’slabourcostas
  muchastheEnglishman’s,thoughitbroughtinsomuchlessto
  himself。Thecapitalist’sprofitisdeterminedbytheformerof
  thesetwothings,notthelatter。Thatadifferencetothis
  extentreallyexistedintheefficiencyofthelabour,isproved
  notonlybyabundanttestimony,butbythefact,that
  notwithstandingthelownessofwages,profitsofcapitalarenot
  understoodtohavebeenhigherinIrelandthaninEngland。
  Theothercausewhichrenderswages,andthecostoflabour,
  norealcriteriaofoneanother,isthevaryingcostlinessofthe
  articleswhichthelabourerconsumes。Ifthesearecheap,wages,
  inthesensewhichisofimportancetothelabourer,maybehigh,
  andyetthecostoflabourmaybelow;ifdear,thelabourermay
  bewretchedlyoff,thoughhislabourmaycostmuchtothe
  capitalist。Thislastistheconditionofacountryover—peopled
  inrelationtoitsland;inwhich,foodbeingdear,thepoorness
  ofthelabourer’srealrewarddoesnotpreventlabourfrom
  costingmuchtothepurchaser,andlowwagesandlowprofits
  co—exist。TheoppositecaseisexemplifiedintheUnitedStates
  ofAmerica。Thelabourerthereenjoysagreaterabundanceof
  comfortsthaninanyothercountryoftheworld,exceptsomeof
  thenewestcolonies;butowingtothecheappriceatwhichthese
  comfortscanbeobtained(combinedwiththegreatefficiencyof
  thelabour),thecostoflabourtothecapitalistisatleastnot
  higher,northerateofprofitlower,thaninEurope。
  Thecostoflabour,then,is,inthelanguageofmathematics,
  afunctionofthreevariables:theefficiencyoflabour;the
  wagesoflabour(meaningtherebytherealrewardofthe
  labourer);andthegreaterorlesscostatwhichthearticles
  composingthatrealrewardcanbeproducedorprocured。Itis
  plainthatthecostoflabourtothecapitalistmustbe
  influencedbyeachofthesethreecircumstances,andbyno
  others。These,therefore,arealsothecircumstanceswhich
  determinetherateofprofit;anditcannotbeinanyway
  affectedexceptthroughoneorotherofthem。Iflabourgenerally
  becamemoreefficient,withoutbeingmorehighlyrewarded;if,
  withoutitsbecominglessefficient,itsremunerationfell,no
  increasetakingplaceinthecostofthearticlescomposingthat
  remuneration;orifthosearticlesbecamelesscostly,without
  thelabourer’sobtainingmoreofthem;inanyoneofthesethree
  cases,profitswouldrise。If,onthecontrary,labourbecame
  lessefficient(asitmightdofromdiminishedbodilyvigourin
  thepeople,destructionoffixedcapital,ordeteriorated
  education);orifthelabourerobtainedahigherremuneration,
  withoutanyincreasedcheapnessinthethingscomposingit;or
  if,withouthisobtainingmore,thatwhichhedidobtainbecame
  morecostly;profits,inallthesecases,wouldsuffera
  diminution。Andthereisnoothercombinationofcircumstances,
  inwhichthegeneralrateofprofitofacountry,inall
  employmentsindifferently,caneitherfallorrise。
  Theevidenceofthesepropositionscanonlybestated
  generally,though,itishoped,conclusively,inthisstageof
  oursubject。Itwillcomeoutingreaterfulnessandforcewhen,
  havingtakenintoconsiderationthetheoryofValueandPrice,we
  shallbeenabledtoexhibitthelawofprofitsintheconcrete——
  inthecomplexentanglementofcircumstancesinwhichitactually
  works。ThiscanonlybedoneintheensuingBook。Onetopicstill
  remainstobediscussedinthepresentone,sofarasitadmits
  ofbeingtreatedindependentlyofconsiderationsofValue;the
  subjectofRent;towhichwenowproceed。
  NOTES:
  1。Itistoberegrettedthatthisword,inthissense,isnot
  familiartoanEnglishear。Frenchpoliticaleconomistsenjoya
  greatadvantageinbeingabletospeakcurrentlyoflesprofits
  del’entrpreneur。
  2。Videsupra,bookii。ch。iv。sect。3。
  ThePrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy
  byJohnStuartMill
  Book2,Chapter16
  OfRent
  1。Therequisitesofproductionbeinglabour,capital,and
  naturalagents;theonlyperson,besidesthelabourerandthe
  capitalist,whoseconsentisnecessarytoproduction,andwhocan
  claimashareoftheproduceasthepriceofthatconsent,isthe
  personwho,bythearrangementsofsociety,possessesexclusive
  poweroversomenaturalagent。Thelandistheprincipalofthe
  naturalagentswhicharecapableofbeingappropriated,andthe
  considerationpaidforitsuseiscalledrent。Landedproprietors
  aretheonlyclass,ofanynumberorimportance,whohaveaclaim
  toashareinthedistributionoftheproduce,throughtheir
  ownershipofsomethingwhichneithertheynoranyoneelsehave
  produced。Iftherebeanyothercasesofasimilarnature,they
  willbeeasilyunderstood,whenthenatureandlawsofrentare
  comprehended。
  Itisatonceevident,thatrentistheeffectofamonopoly;
  thoughthemonopolyisanaturalone,whichmayberegulated,
  whichmayevenbeheldasatrustforthecommunitygenerally,
  butwhichcannotbepreventedfromexisting。Thereasonwhy
  landownersareabletorequirerentfortheirland,isthatitis
  acommoditywhichmanywant,andwhichnoonecanobtainbutfrom
  them。Ifallthelandofthecountrybelongedtooneperson,he
  couldfixtherentathispleasure。Thewholepeoplewouldbe
  dependentonhiswillforthenecessariesoflife,andhemight
  makewhatconditionshechose。Thisistheactualstateofthings
  inthoseOrientalkingdomsinwhichthelandisconsideredthe
  propertyofthestate。Rentisthenconfoundedwithtaxation,and
  thedespotmayexacttheutmostwhichtheunfortunatecultivators
  havetogive。Indeed,theexclusivepossessorofthelandofa
  countrycouldnotwellbeotherthandespotofit。Theeffect
  wouldbemuchthesameifthelandbelongedtosofewpeople,
  thattheycould,anddid,acttogetherasoneman,andfixthe
  rentbyagreementamongthemselves。Thiscase,however,is
  nowhereknowntoexist:andtheonlyremainingsuppositionis
  thatoffreecompetition;thelandownersbeingsupposedtobe,as
  infacttheyare,toonumeroustocombine。
  2。Athingwhichislimitedinquantity,eventhoughits
  possessorsdonotactinconcert,isstillamonopolizedarticle。
  Butevenwhenmonopolized,athingwhichisthegiftofnature,
  andrequiresnolabouroroutlayastheconditionofits
  existence,will,iftherebecompetitionamongtheholdersofit,
  commandaprice,onlyifitexistsinlessquantitythanthe
  demand。Ifthewholelandofacountrywererequiredfor
  cultivation,allofitmightyieldarent。Butinnocountryof
  anyextentdothewantsofthepopulationrequirethatallthe
  land,whichiscapableofcultivation,shouldbecultivated。The
  foodandotheragriculturalproducewhichthepeopleneed,and
  whichtheyarewillingandabletopayforatapricewhich
  remuneratesthegrower,mayalwaysbeobtainedwithout
  cultivatingalltheland;sometimeswithoutcultivatingmorethan
  asmallpartofit;thelandsmosteasilycultivatedbeing
  preferredinaveryearlystageofsociety;themostfertile,or
  thoseinthemostconvenientsituations,inamoreadvanced
  state。Thereisalways,therefore,somelandwhichcannot,in
  existingcircumstances,payanyrent;andnolandeverpaysrent,
  unless,inpointoffertilityorsituation,itbelongstothose
  superiorkindswhichexistinlessquantitythanthedemand—which
  cannotbemadetoyieldalltheproducerequiredforthe
  community,unlessontermsstilllessadvantageousthanthe
  resorttolessfavouredsoils。
  Thereisland,suchasthedesertsofArabia,whichwill
  yieldnothingtoanyamountoflabour;andthereisland,like
  someofourhardsandyheaths,whichwouldproducesomething,
  but,inthepresentstateofthesoil,notenoughtodefraythe
  expensesofproduction。Suchlands,unlessbysomeapplicationof
  chemistrytoagriculturestillremainingtobeinvented,cannot
  becultivatedforprofit,unlesssomeoneactuallycreatesa
  soil,byspreadingnewingredientsoverthesurface,ormixing
  themwiththeexistingmaterials。Ifingredientsfittedforthis
  purposeexistinthesubsoil,orcloseathand,theimprovement
  evenofthemostunpromisingspotsmayanswerasaspeculation:
  butifthoseingredientsarecostly,andmustbebroughtfroma
  distance,itwillseldomanswertodothisforthesakeof
  profit,thoughthe"magicofproperty"willsometimeseffectit。
  Landwhichcannotpossiblyyieldaprofit,issometimes
  cultivatedataloss,thecultivatorshavingtheirwants
  partiallysuppliedfromothersources;asinthecaseofpaupers,
  andsomemonasteriesorcharitableinstitutions,amongwhichmay
  bereckonedthePoorColoniesofBelgium。Theworstlandwhich
  canbecultivatedasameansofsubsistence,isthatwhichwill
  justreplacetheseed,andthefoodofthelabourersemployedon
  it,togetherwithwhatDr。Chalmerscallstheirsecondaries;that
  is,thelabourersrequiredforsupplyingthemwithtools,and
  withtheremainingnecessariesoflife。Whetheranygivenlandis
  capableofdoingmorethanthis,isnotaquestionofpolitical
  economy,butofphysicalfact。Thesuppositionleavesnothingfor
  profits,noranythingforthelabourersexceptnecessaries:the
  land,therefore,canonlybecultivatedbythelabourers
  themselves,orelseatapecuniaryloss:andafortiori,cannot
  inanycontingencyaffordarent。Theworstlandwhichcanbe
  cultivatedasaninvestmentforcapital,isthatwhich,after
  replacingtheseed,notonlyfeedstheagriculturallabourersand
  theirsecondaries,butaffordsthemthecurrentrateofwages,
  whichmayextendtomuchmorethanmerenecessaries;andleaves
  forthosewhohaveadvancedthewagesofthesetwoclassesof
  labourers,asurplusequaltotheprofittheycouldhaveexpected
  fromanyotheremploymentoftheircapital。Whetheranygiven
  landcandomorethanthis,isnotmerelyaphysicalquestion,
  butdependspartlyonthemarketvalueofagriculturalproduce。
  Whatthelandcandoforthelabourersandforthecapitalist,
  beyondfeedingallwhomitdirectlyorindirectlyemploys,of
  coursedependsuponwhattheremainderoftheproducecanbesold
  for。Thehigherthemarketvalueofproduce,thelowerarethe
  soilstowhichcultivationcandescend,consistentlywith
  affordingtothecapitalemployed,theordinaryrateofprofit。
  As,however,differencesoffertilityslideintooneanother
  byinsensiblegradations;anddifferencesofaccessibility,that
  is,ofdistancefrommarkets,dothesame;andsincethereis
  landsobarrenthatitcouldnotpayforitscultivationatany
  price;itisevidentthat,whateverthepricemaybe,theremust
  inanyextensiveregionbesomelandwhichatthatpricewill
  justpaythewagesofthecultivators,andyieldtothecapital
  employedtheordinaryprofit,andnomore。Until,therefore,the
  priceriseshigher,oruntilsomeimprovementraisesthat
  particularlandtoahigherplaceinthescaleoffertility,it
  cannotpayanyrent。Itisevident,however,thatthecommunity
  needstheproduceofthisqualityofland;sinceifthelands
  morefertileorbettersituatedthanit,couldhavesufficedto
  supplythewantsofsociety,thepricewouldnothaverisenso
  highastorenderitscultivationprofitable。Thisland,
  therefore,willbecultivated;andwemaylayitdownasa
  principlethatsolongasanyofthelandofacountrywhichis
  fitforcultivation,andnotwithheldfromitbylegalorother
  factitiousobstacles,isnotcultivated,theworstlandinactual
  cultivation(inpointoffertilityandsituationtogether)pays
  norent。
  3。If,then,ofthelandincultivation,thepartwhich
  yieldsleastreturntothelabourandcapitalemployedonit
  givesonlytheordinaryprofitofcapital,withoutleaving
  anythingforrent;astandardisaffordedforestimatingthe
  amountofrentwhichwillbeyieldedbyallotherland。Anyland
  yieldsjustasmuchmorethantheordinaryprofitsofstock,as
  ityieldsmorethanwhatisreturnedbytheworstlandin
  cultivation。Thesurplusiswhatthefarmercanaffordtopayas
  renttothelandlord;andsince,ifhedidnotsopayit,he
  wouldreceivemorethantheordinaryrateofprofit,the
  competitionofothercapitalists,thatcompetitionwhich
  equalizestheprofitsofdifferentcapitals,willenablethe
  landlordtoappropriateit。Therent,therefore,whichanyland
  willyield,istheexcessofitsproduce,beyondwhatwouldbe
  returnedtothesamecapitalifemployedontheworstlandin
  cultivation。Thisisnot,andneverwaspretendedtobe,the
  limitofmetayerrents,orofcottierrents;butitisthelimit
  offarmers’rents。Nolandrentedtoacapitalistfarmerwill
  permanentlyyieldmorethanthis;andwhenityieldsless,itis
  becausethelandlordforegoesapartofwhat,ifhechose,he
  couldobtain。
  Thisisthetheoryofrent,firstpropoundedattheendof
  thelastcenturybyDr。Anderson,andwhich,neglectedatthe
  time,wasalmostsimultaneouslyrediscovered,twentyyearslater,
  bySirEdwardWest,Mr。Malthus,andMr。Ricardo。Itisoneof
  thecardinaldoctrinesofpoliticaleconomy;anduntilitwas
  understood,noconsistentexplanationcouldbegivenofmanyof
  themorecomplicatedindustrialphenomena。Theevidenceofits
  truthwillbemanifestedwithagreatincreaseofclearness,when
  wecometotracethelawsofthephenomenaofValueandPrice。
  Untilthatisdone,itisnotpossibletofreethedoctrinefrom
  everydifficultywhichmaypresentitself,norperhapstoconvey,
  tothosepreviouslyunacquaintedwiththesubject,morethana
  generalapprehensionofthereasoningbywhichthetheoremis
  arrivedat。Some,however,oftheobjectionscommonlymadetoit,
  admitofacompleteanswereveninthepresentstageofour
  inquiries。
  Ithasbeendeniedthattherecanbeanylandincultivation
  whichpaysnorent;becauselandlords(itiscontended)wouldnot
  allowtheirlandtobeoccupiedwithoutpayment。Thosewholay
  anystressonthisasanobjection,mustthinkthatlandofthe
  qualitywhichcanbutjustpayforitscultivation,liestogether
  inlargemasses,detachedfromanylandofbetterquality。Ifan
  estateconsistedwhollyofthisland,orofthisandstillworse,
  itislikelyenoughthattheownerwouldnotgivetheuseofit
  fornothing;hewouldprobably(ifarichman)preferkeepingit
  forotherpurposes,asforexercise,orornament,orperhapsasa
  gamepreserve。Nofarmercouldaffordtoofferhimanythingfor
  it,forpurposesofculture;thoughsomethingwouldprobablybe
  obtainedfortheuseofitsnaturalpasture,orotherspontaneous
  produce。Evensuchland,however,wouldnotnecessarilyremain
  uncultivated。Itmightbefarmedbytheproprietor;nounfrequent
  caseeveninEngland。Portionsofitmightbegrantedas
  temporaryallotmentstolabouringfamilies,eitherfrom
  philanthropicmotives,ortosavethepoor—rate;oroccupation
  mightbeallowedtosquatters,freeofrent,inthehopethat
  theirlabourmightgiveitvalueatsomefutureperiod。Both
  thesecasesareofquiteordinaryoccurrence。Sothatevenifan
  estatewerewhollycomposedoftheworstlandcapableof
  profitablecultivation,itwouldnotnecessarilylieuncultivated
  becauseitcouldpaynorent。Inferiorland,however,doesnot
  usuallyoccupy,withoutinterruption,manysquaremilesof
  ground;itisdispersedhereandthere,withpatchesofbetter
  landintermixed,andthesamepersonwhorentsthebetterland,
  obtainsalongwithitinferiorsoilswhichalternatewithit。He
  paysarent,nominallyforthewholefarm,butcalculatedonthe
  produceofthesepartsalone(howeversmallaportionofthe
  whole)whicharecapableofreturningmorethanthecommonrate
  ofprofit。Itisthusscientificallytrue,thattheremaining
  partspaynorent。
  4。Letus,however,supposethattherewereavalidityin
  thisobjection,whichcanbynomeansbeconcededtoit;that
  whenthedemandofthecommunityhadforcedupfoodtosucha
  priceaswouldremuneratetheexpenseofproducingitfroma
  certainquantityofsoil,ithappenedneverthelessthatallthe
  soilofthatqualitywaswithheldfromcultivation,bythe
  obstinacyoftheownersindemandingarentforit,notnominal,
  nortrifling,butsufficientlyoneroustobeamaterialitemin
  thecalculationsofafarmer。Whatwouldthenhappen?Merelythat
  theincreaseofproduce,whichthewantsofsocietyrequired,
  wouldforthetimebeobtainedwholly(asitalwaysis
  partially),notbyanextensionofcultivation,butbyan
  increasedapplicationoflabourandcapitaltolandalready
  cultivated。
  Nowwehavealreadyseenthatthisincreasedapplicationof
  capital,otherthingsbeingunaltered,isalwaysattendedwitha
  smallerproportionalreturn。Wearenottosupposesomenew
  agriculturalinventionmadepreciselyatthisjuncture;nora
  suddenextensionofagriculturalskillandknowledge,bringing
  intomoregeneralpractice,justthen,inventionsalreadyin
  partialuse。Wearetosupposenochange,exceptademandfor
  morecorn,andaconsequentriseofitsprice。Theriseofprice
  enablesmeasurestobetakenforincreasingtheproduce,which
  couldnothavebeentakenwithprofitatthepreviousprice。The
  farmerusesmoreexpensivemanures;ormanureslandwhichhe
  formerlylefttonature;orprocureslimeormarlfroma
  distance,asadressingforthesoil;orpulverizesorweedsit
  morethoroughly;ordrains,irrigates,orsubsoilsportionsof
  it,whichatformerpriceswouldnothavepaidthecostofthe
  operation;andsoforth。Thesethings,orsomeofthem,aredone,
  when,morefoodbeingwanted,cultivationhasnomeansof
  expandingitselfuponnewlands。Andwhentheimpulseisgivento
  extractanincreasedamountofproducefromthesoil,thefarmer
  orimproverwillonlyconsiderwhethertheoutlayhemakesfor
  thepurposewillbereturnedtohimwiththeordinaryprofit,and
  notwhetheranysurpluswillremainforrent。Even,therefore,if
  itwerethefact,thatthereisneveranylandtakeninto
  cultivation,forwhichrent,andthattooofanamountworth
  takingintoconsideration,wasnotpaid;itwouldbetrue,
  nevertheless,thatthereisalwayssomeagriculturalcapital
  whichpaysnorent,becauseitreturnsnothingbeyondthe
  ordinaryrateofprofit:thiscapitalbeingtheportionof
  capitallastapplied—thattowhichthelastadditiontothe
  producewasdue:or(toexpresstheessentialsofthecaseinone
  phrase),thatwhichisappliedintheleastfavourable
  circumstances。Butthesameamountofdemand,andthesameprice,
  whichenablethisleastproductiveportionofcapitalbarelyto
  replaceitselfwiththeordinaryprofit,enableeveryother
  portiontoyieldasurplusproportionedtotheadvantageit
  possesses。Andthissurplusitis,whichcompetitionenablesthe
  landlordtoappropriate。Therentofalllandismeasuredbythe
  excessofthereturntothewholecapitalemployedonit,above
  whatisnecessarytoreplacethecapitalwiththeordinaryrate
  ofprofit,orinotherwords,abovewhatthesamecapitalwould
  yieldifitwereallemployedinasdisadvantageouscircumstances
  astheleastproductiveportionofit;whetherthatleast
  productiveportionofcapitalisrenderedsobybeingemployedon
  theworstsoil,orbybeingexpendedinextortingmoreproduce
  fromlandwhichalreadyyieldedasmuchasitcouldbemadeto
  partwithoneasierterms。
  Itisnotpretendedthatthefactsofanyconcretecase
  conformwithabsoluteprecisiontothisoranyotherscientific
  principle。Wemustneverforgetthatthetruthsofpolitical
  economyaretruthsonlyintherough:theyhavethecertainty,
  butnottheprecision,ofexactscience。Itisnot,forexample,
  strictlytruethatafarmerwillcultivatenoland,andapplyno
  capital,whichreturnslessthantheordinaryprofit。Hewill
  expecttheordinaryprofitonthebulkofhiscapital。Butwhen
  hehascastinhislotwithhisfarm,andbarteredhisskilland
  exertions,onceforall,againstwhatthefarmwillyieldtohim,
  hewillprobablybewillingtoexpendcapitalonit(foran
  immediatereturn)inanymannerwhichwillaffordhimasurplus
  profit,howeversmall,beyondthevalueoftherisk,andthe
  interestwhichhemustpayforthecapitalifborrowed,orcan
  getforitelsewhereifitishisown。Butanewfarmer,entering
  ontheland,wouldmakehiscalculationsdifferently,andwould
  notcommenceunlesshecouldexpectthefullrateofordinary
  profitonallthecapitalwhichheintendedembarkinginthe
  enterprise。Again,pricesmayrangehigherorlowerduringthe
  currencyofalease,thanwasexpectedwhenthecontractwas
  made,andtheland,therefore,maybeoverorunder—rented:and
  evenwhentheleaseexpires,thelandlordmaybeunwillingto
  grantanecessarydiminutionofrent,andthefarmer,ratherthan
  relinquishhisoccupation,orseekafarmelsewherewhenallare
  occupied,mayconsenttogoonpayingtoohigharent。
  Irregularitieslikethesewemustalwaysexpect;itisimpossible
  inpoliticaleconomytoobtaingeneraltheoremsembracingthe
  complicationsofcircumstanceswhichmayaffecttheresultinan
  individualcase。When,too,thefarmerclass,havingbutlittle
  capital,cultivateforsubsistenceratherthanforprofit,anddo
  notthinkofquittingtheirfarmwhiletheyareabletoliveby
  it,theirrentsapproximatetothecharacterofcottierrents,
  andmaybeforcedupbycompetition(ifthenumberofcompetitors
  exceedsthenumberoffarms)beyondtheamountwhichwillleave
  tothefarmertheordinaryrateofprofit。Thelawswhichweare
  enabledtolaydownrespectingrents,profits,wages,prices,are
  onlytrueinsofarasthepersonsconcernedarefreefromthe
  influenceofanyothermotivesthanthosearisingfromthe
  generalcircumstancesofthecase,andareguided,astothose,
  bytheordinarymercantileestimateofprofitandloss。Applying
  thistwofoldsuppositiontothecaseoffarmersandlandlords,it
  willbetruethatthefarmerrequirestheordinaryrateofprofit
  onthewholeofhiscapital;thatwhateveritreturnstohim
  beyondthisheisobligedtopaytothelandlord,butwillnot
  consenttopaymore;thatthereisaportionofcapitalapplied
  toagricultureinsuchcircumstancesofproductivenessasto
  yieldonlytheordinaryprofits;andthatthedifferencebetween
  theproduceofthis,andanyothercapitalofsimilaramount,is
  themeasureofthetributewhichthatothercapitalcanandwill
  pay,underthenameofrent,tothelandlord。Thisconstitutesa
  lawofrent,asnearthetruthassuchalawcanpossiblybe:
  thoughofcoursemodifiedordisturbedinindividualcases,by
  pendingcontracts,individualmiscalculations,theinfluenceof
  habit,andeventheparticularfeelingsanddispositionsofthe
  personsconcerned。
  5。Aremarkisoftenmade,whichmustnotherebeomitted,
  though,Ithink,moreimportancehasbeenattachedtoitthanit
  merits。Underthenameofrent,manypaymentsarecommonly
  included,whicharenotaremunerationfortheoriginalpowersof
  thelanditself,butforcapitalexpendedonit。Theadditional
  rentwhichlandyieldsinconsequenceofthisoutlayofcapital,
  should,intheopinionofsomewriters,beregardedasprofit,
  notrent。Butbeforethiscanbeadmitted,adistinctionmustbe
  made。Theannualpaymentbyatenantalmostalwaysincludesa
  considerationfortheuseofthebuildingsonthefarm;notonly
  barns,stables,andotherouthouses,butahousetolivein,not
  tospeakoffencesandthelike。Thelandlordwillask,andthe
  tenantgive,forthese,whateverisconsideredsufficientto
  yieldtheordinaryprofit,orrather(riskandtroublebeinghere
  outofthequestion)theordinaryinterest,onthevalueofthe
  buildings:thatis,notonwhatithascosttoerectthem,buton
  whatitwouldnowcosttoerectothersasgood:thetenantbeing
  bound,inaddition,toleavetheminasgoodrepairashefound
  them,forotherwiseamuchlargerpaymentthansimpleinterest
  wouldofcourseberequiredfromhim。Thesebuildingsareas
  distinctathingfromthefarmasthestockorthetimberonit;
  andwhatispaidforthemcannomorebecalledrentofland,
  thanapaymentforcattlewouldbe,ifitwerethecustomthat
  thelandlordshouldstockthefarmforthetenant。Thebuildings,
  likethecattle,arenotland,butcapital,regularlyconsumed
  andreproduced;andallpaymentsmadeinconsiderationforthem
  areproperlyinterest。
  Butwithregardtocapitalactuallysunkinimprovements,and
  notrequiringperiodicalrenewal,butspentonceforallin
  givingthelandapermanentincreaseofproductiveness,it
  appearstomethatthereturnmadetosuchcapitalloses
  altogetherthecharacterofprofits,andisgovernedbythe
  principlesofrent。Itistruethatalandlordwillnotexpend
  capitalinimprovinghisestate,unlessheexpectsfromthe
  improvementanincreaseofincomesurpassingtheinterestofhis
  outlay。Prospectively,thisincreaseofincomemayberegardedas
  profit;butwhentheexpensehasbeenincurred,andthe
  improvementmade,therentoftheimprovedlandisgovernedby
  thesamerulesasthatoftheunimproved。Equallyfertileland
  commandsanequalrent,whetheritsfertilityisnaturalor
  acquired;andIcannotthinkthattheincomesofthosewhoown
  theBedfordLevelortheLincolnshireWoldsoughttobecalled
  profitandnotrentbecausethoselandswouldhavebeenworth
  nexttonothingunlesscapitalhadbeenexpendedonthem。The
  ownersarenotcapitalists,butlandlords;theyhavepartedwith
  theircapital;itisconsumed,destroyed;andneitheris,noris
  tobe,returnedtothem,likethecapitalofafarmeror
  manufacturer,fromwhatitproduces。Inlieuofittheynowhave
  landofacertainrichness,whichyieldsthesamerent,andby
  theoperationofthesamecauses,asifithadpossessedfromthe
  beginningthedegreeoffertilitywhichhasbeenartificially
  giventoit。
  Somewriters,inparticularMr。H。C。Carey,takeaway,still
  morecompletelythanIhaveattemptedtodo,thedistinction
  betweenthesetwosourcesofrent,byrejectingoneofthem
  altogether,andconsideringallrentastheeffectofcapital
  expended。Inproofofthis,Mr。Careycontendsthatthewhole
  pecuniaryvalueofallthelandinanycountry,inEnglandfor
  instance,orintheUnitedStates,doesnotamounttoanything
  approachingtothesumwhichhasbeenlaidout,orwhichitwould
  evennowbenecessarytolayout,inordertobringthecountry
  toitspresentconditionfromastateofprimaevalforest。This
  startlingstatementhasbeenseizedonbyM。Bastiatandothers,
  asameansofmakingoutastrongercasethancouldotherwisebe
  madeindefenceofpropertyinland。Mr。Carey’sproposition,in
  itsmostobviousmeaning,isequivalenttosaying,thatifthere
  weresuddenlyaddedtothelandsofEnglandanunreclaimed
  territoryofequalnaturalfertility,itwouldnotbeworththe
  whileoftheinhabitantsofEnglandtoreclaimit:becausethe
  profitsoftheoperationwouldnotbeequaltotheordinary
  interestonthecapitalexpended。Towhichassertionifany
  answercouldbesupposedtoberequired,itwouldsufficeto
  remark,thatlandnotofequalbutofgreatlyinferiorqualityto
  thatpreviouslycultivated,iscontinuallyreclaimedinEngland,
  atanexpensewhichthesubsequentlyaccruingrentissufficient
  toreplacecompletelyinasmallnumberofyears。Thedoctrine,
  moreover,istotallyopposedtoMr。Carey’sowneconomical
  opinions。NoonemaintainsmorestrenuouslythanMr。Careythe
  undoubtedtruth,thatassocietyadvancesinpopulation,wealth,
  andcombinationoflabour,landconstantlyrisesinvalueand
  price。This,however,couldnotpossiblybetrue,ifthepresent
  valueoflandwerelessthantheexpenseofclearingitand
  makingitfitforcultivation;foritmusthavebeenworththis
  immediatelyafteritwascleared;andaccordingtoMr。Careyit
  hasbeenrisinginvalueeversince。