首页 >出版文学> The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches>第18章
  "Solargeapart,"answersMontesinos,"thattheinterestamounted,duringtheprosperoustimesofagriculture,toasmuchastherentalofallthelandinGreatBritain;andatpresenttotherentalofalllands,allhouses,andallotherfixedpropertyputtogether。"
  TheGhostandLaureateagreethatitisverydesirablethatthereshouldbesosecureandadvantageousadepositforwealthasthefundsafford。SirThomasthenproceeds:
  "Anotherandfarmoremomentousbenefitmustnotbeoverlooked;
  theexpenditureofanannualinterest,equalling,asyouhavestated,thepresentrentalofallfixedproperty。"
  "Thatexpenditure,"quothMontesinos,"givesemploymenttohalftheindustryinthekingdom,andfeedshalfthemouths。Take,indeed,theweightofthenationaldebtfromthisgreatandcomplicatedsocialmachine,andthewheelsmuststop。"
  FromthispassageweshouldhavebeeninclinedtothinkthatMr。
  Southeysupposesthedividendstobeafreegiftperiodicallysentdownfromheaventothefundholders,asquailsandmannaweresenttotheIsraelites;wereitnotthathehasvouchsafed,inthefollowingquestionandanswer,togivethepublicsomeinformationwhich,webelieve,wasverylittleneeded。
  "Whencecomestheinterest?"saysSirThomas。
  "Itisraised,"answersMontesinos,"bytaxation。"
  Now,hasMr。Southeyeverconsideredwhatwouldbedonewiththissumifitwerenotpaidasinteresttothenationalcreditor?Ifhewouldthinkoverthismatterforashorttime,wesuspectthatthe"momentousbenefit"ofwhichhetalkswouldappeartohimtoshrinkstrangelyinamount。Afundholder,wewillsuppose,spendsdividendsamountingtofivehundredpoundsayear;andhistennearestneighbourspayfiftypoundseachtothetax—gatherer,forthepurposeofdischargingtheinterestofthenationaldebt。Ifthedebtwerewipedout,ameasure,beitunderstood,whichwebynomeansrecommend,thefundholderwouldceasetospendhisfivehundredpoundsayear。Hewouldnolongergiveemploymenttoindustry,orputfoodintothemouthsoflabourers。ThisMr。
  Southeythinksafearfulevil。Butistherenomitigatingcircumstance?Eachofthetenneighboursofourfundholderhasfiftypoundsayearmorethanformerly。Eachofthemwill,asitseemstoourfeebleunderstandings,employmoreindustryandfeedmoremouthsthanformerly。Thesumisexactlythesame。Itisindifferenthands。ButonwhatgroundsdoesMr。Southeycalluponustobelievethatitisinthehandsofmenwhowillspenditlessliberallyorlessjudiciously?Heseemstothinkthatnobodybutafundholdercanemploythepoor;that,ifataxisremitted,thosewhoformerlyusedtopayitproceedimmediatelytodigholesintheearth,andtoburythesumwhichtheGovernmenthadbeenaccustomedtotake;thatnomoneycansetindustryinmotiontillsuchmoneyhasbeentakenbythetax—gathereroutofoneman’spocketandputintoanotherman’spocket。WereallywishthatMr。Southeywouldtrytoprovethisprinciple,whichisindeedthefoundationofhiswholetheoryoffinance:forwethinkitrighttohinttohimthatourhard—heartedandunimaginativegenerationwillexpectsomemoresatisfactoryreasonthantheonlyonewithwhichhehasyetfavouredit,namely,asimilitudetouchingevaporationanddew。
  Boththetheoryandtheillustration,indeed,areoldfriendsofours。Ineveryseasonofdistresswhichwecanremember,Mr。
  Southeyhasbeenproclaimingthatitisnotfromeconomy,butfromincreasedtaxation,thatthecountrymustexpectrelief;andhestill,wefind,placestheundoubtingfaithofapoliticalDiafoirus,inhis"Resaignare,repurgare,etreclysterizare。"
  "Apeople,"hetellsus,"maybetoorich,butagovernmentcannotbeso。"
  "Astate,"sayshe,"cannothavemorewealthatitscommandthanmaybeemployedforthegeneralgood,aliberalexpenditureinnationalworksbeingoneofthesurestmeansofpromotingnationalprosperity;andthebenefitbeingstillmoreobvious,ofanexpendituredirectedtothepurposesofnationalimprovement。
  Butapeoplemaybetoorich。"
  Wefullyadmitthatastatecannothaveatitscommandmorewealththanmaybeemployedforthegeneralgood。Butneithercanindividuals,orbodiesofindividuals,haveattheircommandmorewealththanmaybeemployedforthegeneralgood。Iftherebenolimittothesumwhichmaybeusefullylaidoutinpublicworksandnationalimprovement,thenwealth,whetherinthehandsofprivatemenoroftheGovernment,mayalways,ifthepossessorschoosetospenditusefully,beusefullyspent。Theonlyground,therefore,onwhichMr。Southeycanpossiblymaintainthatagovernmentcannotbetoorich,butthatapeoplemaybetoorich,mustbethis,thatgovernmentsaremorelikelytospendtheirmoneyongoodobjectsthanprivateindividuals。
  Butwhatisusefulexpenditure?"Aliberalexpenditureinnationalworks,"saysMr。Southey,"isoneofthesurestmeansforpromotingnationalprosperity。"Whatdoeshemeanbynationalprosperity?DoeshemeanthewealthoftheState?Ifso,hisreasoningrunsthus:Themorewealthastatehasthebetter;forthemorewealthastatehasthemorewealthitwillhave。Thisissurelysomethinglikethatfallacy,whichisungallantlytermedalady’sreason。Ifbynationalprosperityhemeansthewealthofthepeople,ofhowgrossacontradictionisMr。Southeyguilty。A
  people,hetellsus,maybetoorich:agovernmentcannot:foragovernmentcanemployitsrichesinmakingthepeoplericher。Thewealthofthepeopleistobetakenfromthem,becausetheyhavetoomuch,andlaidoutinworks,whichwillyieldthemmore。
  WearereallyatalosstodeterminewhetherMr。Southey’sreasonforrecommendinglargetaxationisthatitwillmakethepeoplerich,orthatitwillmakethempoor。Butwearesurethat,ifhisobjectistomakethemrich,hetakesthewrongcourse。Therearetwoorthreeprinciplesrespectingpublicworks,which,asanexperienceofvastextentproves,maybetrustedinalmosteverycase。
  Itscarcelyeverhappensthatanyprivatemanorbodyofmenwillinvestpropertyinacanal,atunnel,orabridge,butfromanexpectationthattheoutlaywillbeprofitabletothem。Noworkofthissortcanbeprofitabletoprivatespeculators,unlessthepublicbewillingtopayfortheuseofit。Thepublicwillnotpayoftheirownaccordforwhatyieldsnoprofitorconveniencetothem。Thereisthusadirectandobviousconnectionbetweenthemotivewhichinducesindividualstoundertakesuchawork,andtheutilityofthework。
  Canwefindanysuchconnectioninthecaseofapublicworkexecutedbyagovernment?Ifitisuseful,aretheindividualswhorulethecountryricher?Ifitisuseless,aretheypoorer?A
  publicmanmaybesolicitousforhiscredit。Butisnothelikelytogainmorecreditbyanuselessdisplayofostentatiousarchitectureinagreattownthanbythebestroadorthebestcanalinsomeremoteprovince?Thefameofpublicworksisamuchlesscertaintestoftheirutilitythantheamountoftollcollectedatthem。Inacorruptage,therewillbedirectembezzlement。Inthepurestage,therewillbeabundanceofjobbing。Neverwerethestatesmenofanycountrymoresensitivetopublicopinion,andmorespotlessinpecuniarytransactions,thanthosewhohaveoflategovernedEngland。YetwehaveonlytolookatthebuildingsrecentlyerectedinLondonforaproofofourrule。Inabadage,thefateofthepublicistoberobbedoutright。Inagoodage,itismerelytohavethedearestandtheworstofeverything。
  BuildingsforStatepurposestheStatemusterect。Andherewethinkthat,ingeneral,theStateoughttostop。Wefirmlybelievethatfivehundredthousandpoundssubscribedbyindividualsforrail—roadsorcanalswouldproducemoreadvantagetothepublicthanfivemillionsvotedbyParliamentforthesamepurpose。Therearecertainoldsawsaboutthemaster’seyeandabouteverybody’sbusiness,inwhichweplaceverygreatfaith。
  Thereis,wehavesaid,noconsistencyinMr。Southey’spoliticalsystem。Butiftherebeinhispoliticalsystemanyleadingprinciple,anyoneerrorwhichdivergesmorewidelyandvariouslythananyother,itisthatofwhichhistheoryaboutnationalworksisaramification。Heconceivesthatthebusinessofthemagistrateis,notmerelytoseethatthepersonsandpropertyofthepeoplearesecurefromattack,butthatheoughttobeajack—of—all—trades,architect,engineer,schoolmaster,merchant,theologian,aLadyBountifulineveryparish,aPaulPryineveryhouse,spying,eaves—dropping,relieving,admonishing,spendingourmoneyforus,andchoosingouropinionsforus。Hisprincipleis,ifweunderstanditrightly,thatnomancandoanythingsowellforhimselfashisrulers,betheywhotheymay,candoitforhim,andthatagovernmentapproachesnearerandnearertoperfection,inproportionasitinterferesmoreandmorewiththehabitsandnotionsofindividuals。
  Heseemstobefullyconvincedthatitisinthepowerofgovernmenttorelieveallthedistressesunderwhichthelowerorderslabour。Nay,heconsidersdoubtonthissubjectasimpious。Wecannotrefrainfromquotinghisargumentonthissubject。Itisaperfectjeweloflogic:
  "’Manythousandsinyourmetropolis,’saysSirThomasMore,’riseeverymorningwithoutknowinghowtheyaretosubsistduringtheday;asmanyofthem,wheretheyaretolaytheirheadsatnight。
  Allmen,eventheviciousthemselves,knowthatwickednessleadstomisery:butmany,evenamongthegoodandthewise,haveyettolearnthatmiseryisalmostasoftenthecauseofwickedness。’
  "’Therearemany,’saysMontesinos,’whoknowthis,butbelievethatitisnotinthepowerofhumaninstitutionstopreventthismisery。Theyseetheeffect,butregardthecausesasinseparablefromtheconditionofhumannature。’
  "’AssurelyasGodisgood,’repliesSirThomas,’sosurelythereisnosuchthingasnecessaryevil。For,bythereligiousmind,sickness,andpain,anddeath,arenottobeaccountedevils。’"
  Nowifsickness,pain,anddeath,arenotevils,wecannotunderstandwhyitshouldbeanevilthatthousandsshouldrisewithoutknowinghowtheyaretosubsist。Theonlyevilofhungeristhatitproducesfirstpain,thensickness,andfinallydeath。
  Ifitdidnotproducethese,itwouldbenocalamity。Ifthesearenotevils,itisnocalamity。Wewillproposeaveryplaindilemma:eitherphysicalpainisanevil,oritisnotanevil。
  Ifitisanevil,thenthereisnecessaryevilintheuniverse:
  ifitisnot,whyshouldthepoorbedeliveredfromit?
  Mr。Southeyentertainsasexaggeratedanotionofthewisdomofgovernmentsasoftheirpower。Hespeakswiththegreatestdisgustoftherespectnowpaidtopublicopinion。Thatopinionis,accordingtohim,tobedistrustedanddreaded;itsusurpationoughttobevigorouslyresisted;andthepracticeofyieldingtoitislikelytoruinthecountry。Tomaintainpoliceis,accordingtohim,onlyoneoftheendsofgovernment。Thedutiesofarulerarepatriarchalandpaternal。Heoughttoconsiderthemoraldisciplineofthepeopleashisfirstobject,toestablishareligion,totrainthewholecommunityinthatreligion,andtoconsideralldissentersashisownenemies。
  "’Nothing,’saysSirThomas,’ismorecertain,thanthatreligionisthebasisuponwhichcivilgovernmentrests;thatfromreligionpowerderivesitsauthority,lawstheirefficacy,andboththeirzealandsanction;anditisnecessarythatthisreligionbeestablishedasforthesecurityofthestate,andforthewelfareofthepeople,whowouldotherwisebemovedtoandfrowitheverywindofdoctrine。Astateissecureinproportionasthepeopleareattachedtoitsinstitutions;itis,therefore,thefirstandplainestruleofsoundpolicy,thatthepeoplebetrainedupinthewaytheyshouldgo。Thestatethatneglectsthispreparesitsowndestruction;andtheywhotraintheminanyotherwayareunderminingit。Nothinginabstractsciencecanbemorecertainthanthesepositionsare。’
  "’Allofwhich,’answersMontesinos,’areneverthelessdeniedbyourprofessorsoftheartsBabblativeandScribblative:someintheaudacityofevildesigns,andothersinthegloriousassuranceofimpenetrableignorance。’
  Thegreaterpartofthetwovolumesbeforeusismerelyanamplificationoftheseparagraphs。WhatdoesMr。Southeymeanbysayingthatreligionisdemonstrablythebasisofcivilgovernment?Hecannotsurelymeanthatmenhavenomotivesexceptthosederivedfromreligionforestablishingandsupportingcivilgovernment,thatnotemporaladvantageisderivedfromcivilgovernment,thatmenwouldexperiencenotemporalinconveniencefromlivinginastateofanarchy?Ifheallows,aswethinkhemustallow,thatitisforthegoodofmankindinthisworldtohavecivilgovernment,andthatthegreatmajorityofmankindhavealwaysthoughtitfortheirgoodinthisworldtohavecivilgovernment,wethenhaveabasisforgovernmentquitedistinctfromreligion。ItistruethattheChristianreligionsanctionsgovernment,asitsanctionseverythingwhichpromotesthehappinessandvirtueofourspecies。Butweareatalosstoconceiveinwhatsensereligioncanbesaidtobethebasisofgovernment,inwhichreligionisnotalsothebasisofthepracticesofeating,drinking,andlightingfiresincoldweather。Nothinginhistoryismorecertainthanthatgovernmenthasexisted,hasreceivedsomeobedience,andhasgivensomeprotection,intimesinwhichitderivednosupportfromreligion,intimesinwhichtherewasnoreligionthatinfluencedtheheartsandlivesofmen。ItwasnotfromdreadofTartarus,orfrombeliefintheElysianfields,thatanAthenianwishedtohavesomeinstitutionswhichmightkeepOrestesfromfilchinghiscloak,orMidiasfrombreakinghishead。"Itisfromreligion,"
  saysMr。Southey,"thatpowerderivesitsauthority,andlawstheirefficacy。"FromwhatreligiondoesourpowerovertheHindoosderiveitsauthority,orthelawinvirtueofwhichwehangBrahminsitsefficacy?Forthousandsofyearscivilgovernmenthasexistedinalmosteverycorneroftheworld,inagesofpriestcraft,inagesoffanaticism,inagesofEpicureanindifference,inagesofenlightenedpiety。Howeverpureorimpurethefaithofthepeoplemightbe,whethertheyadoredabeneficentoramalignantpower,whethertheythoughtthesoulmortalorimmortal,theyhave,assoonastheyceasedtobeabsolutesavages,foundouttheirneedofcivilgovernment,andinstituteditaccordingly。Itisasuniversalasthepracticeofcookery。Yet,itisascertain,saysMr。Southey,asanythinginabstractscience,thatgovernmentisfoundedonreligion。WeshouldliketoknowwhatnotionMr。Southeyhasofthedemonstrationsofabstractscience。Averyvagueone,wesuspect。
  Theproofproceeds。Asreligionisthebasisofgovernment,andastheStateissecureinproportionasthepeopleareattachedtopublicinstitutions,itistherefore,saysMr。Southey,thefirstruleofpolicy,thatthegovernmentshouldtrainthepeopleinthewayinwhichtheyshouldgo;anditisplainthatthosewhotraintheminanyotherwayareunderminingtheState。
  Nowitdoesnotappeartoustobethefirstobjectthatpeopleshouldalwaysbelieveintheestablishedreligionandbeattachedtotheestablishedgovernment。Areligionmaybefalse。A
  governmentmaybeoppressive。Andwhateversupportgovernmentgivestofalsereligions,orreligiontooppressivegovernments,weconsiderasaclearevil。
  Themaxim,thatgovernmentsoughttotrainthepeopleinthewayinwhichtheyshouldgo,soundswell。Butisthereanyreasonforbelievingthatagovernmentismorelikelytoleadthepeopleintherightwaythanthepeopletofallintotherightwayofthemselves?Havetherenotbeengovernmentswhichwereblindleadersoftheblind?Aretherenotstillsuchgovernments?Canitbelaiddownasageneralrulethatthemovementofpoliticalandreligioustruthisratherdownwardsfromthegovernmenttothepeoplethanupwardsfromthepeopletothegovernment?Thesearequestionswhichitisofimportancetohaveclearlyresolved。
  Mr。Southeydeclaimsagainstpublicopinion,whichis...完整阅读请扫描二维码下载丁香书院APP免费看

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