TheAmericansverybroadlydisplayallthedifferentpropensitieswhichIhaveheredescribedwhentheygotothetheatres;butitmustbeacknowledgedthatasyetaverysmallnumberofthemgototheatresatall。AlthoughplaygoersandplayshaveprodigiouslyincreasedintheUnitedStatesinthelastfortyyears，thepopulationindulgesinthiskindofamusementwiththegreatestreserve。Thisisattributabletopeculiarcauses，whichthereaderisalreadyacquaintedwith，andofwhichafewwordswillsufficetoremindhim。ThePuritanswhofoundedtheAmericanrepublicswerenotonlyenemiestoamusements，buttheyprofessedanespecialabhorrenceforthestage。Theyconsidereditasanabominablepastime;andaslongastheirprinciplesprevailedwithundividedsway，scenicperformanceswerewhollyunknownamongstthem。Theseopinionsofthefirstfathersofthecolonyhaveleftverydeepmarksonthemindsoftheirdescendants。TheextremeregularityofhabitsandthegreatstrictnessofmannerswhichareobservableintheUnitedStates，haveasyetopposedadditionalobstaclestothegrowthofdramaticart。Therearenodramaticsubjectsinacountrywhichhaswitnessednogreatpoliticalcatastrophes，andinwhichloveinvariablyleadsbyastraightandeasyroadtomatrimony。Peoplewhospendeverydayintheweekinmakingmoney，andtheSundayingoingtochurch，havenothingtoinvitethemuseofComedy。
　　AsinglefactsufficestoshowthatthestageisnotverypopularintheUnitedStates。TheAmericans，whoselawsallowoftheutmostfreedomandevenlicenseoflanguageinallotherrespects，haveneverthelesssubjectedtheirdramaticauthorstoasortofcensorship。Theatricalperformancescanonlytakeplacebypermissionofthemunicipalauthorities。Thismayservetoshowhowmuchcommunitiesarelikeindividuals;theysurrenderthemselvesunscrupulouslytotheirrulingpassions，andafterwardstakethegreatestcarenottoyieldtoomuchtothevehemenceoftasteswhichtheydonotpossess。
　　Noportionofliteratureisconnectedbycloserormorenumeroustieswiththepresentconditionofsocietythanthedrama。Thedramaofoneperiodcanneverbesuitedtothefollowingage，ifintheintervalanimportantrevolutionhaschangedthemannersandthelawsofthenation。Thegreatauthorsofaprecedingagemayberead;butpieceswrittenforadifferentpublicwillnotbefollowed。Thedramaticauthorsofthepastliveonlyinbooks。Thetraditionaltasteofcertainindividuals，vanity，fashion，orthegeniusofanactormaysustainorresuscitateforatimethearistocraticdramaamongstademocracy;butitwillspeedilyfallawayofitself—notoverthrown，butabandoned。
　　ChapterXX:CharacteristicsOfHistoriansInDemocraticAgesHistorianswhowriteinaristocraticagesarewonttoreferalloccurrencestotheparticularwillortemperofcertainindividuals;andtheyareapttoattributethemostimportantrevolutionstoveryslightaccidents。Theytraceoutthesmallestcauseswithsagacity，andfrequentlyleavethegreatestunperceived。Historianswholiveindemocraticagesexhibitpreciselyoppositecharacteristics。Mostofthemattributehardlyanyinfluencetotheindividualoverthedestinyoftherace，nortocitizensoverthefateofapeople;but，ontheotherhand，theyassigngreatgeneralcausestoallpettyincidents。Thesecontrarytendenciesexplaineachother。
　　Whenthehistorianofaristocraticagessurveysthetheatreoftheworld，heatonceperceivesaverysmallnumberofprominentactors，whomanagethewholepiece。Thesegreatpersonages，whooccupythefrontofthestage，arresttheobservation，andfixitonthemselves;andwhilstthehistorianisbentonpenetratingthesecretmotiveswhichmakethemspeakandact，therestescapehismemory。Theimportanceofthethingswhichsomemenareseentodo，giveshimanexaggeratedestimateoftheinfluencewhichonemanmaypossess;andnaturallyleadshimtothink，thatinordertoexplaintheimpulsesofthemultitude，itisnecessarytoreferthemtotheparticularinfluenceofsomeoneindividual。
　　When，onthecontrary，allthecitizensareindependentofoneanother，andeachofthemisindividuallyweak，nooneisseentoexertagreat，orstilllessalastingpower，overthecommunity。Atfirstsight，individualsappeartobeabsolutelydevoidofanyinfluenceoverit;andsocietywouldseemtoadvancealonebythefreeandvoluntaryconcurrenceofallthemenwhocomposeit。Thisnaturallypromptsthemindtosearchforthatgeneralreasonwhichoperatesuponsomanymen’sfacultiesatthesametime，andturnsthemsimultaneouslyinthesamedirection。
　　Iamverywellconvincedthatevenamongstdemocraticnations，thegenius，thevices，orthevirtuesofcertainindividualsretardoracceleratethenaturalcurrentofapeople’shistory:butcausesofthissecondaryandfortuitousnatureareinfinitelymorevarious，moreconcealed，morecomplex，lesspowerful，andconsequentlylesseasytotraceinperiodsofequalitythaninagesofaristocracy，whenthetaskofthehistorianissimplytodetachfromthemassofgeneraleventstheparticularinfluencesofonemanorofafewmen。Intheformercasethehistorianissoonweariedbythetoil;hismindlosesitselfinthislabyrinth;and，inhisinabilityclearlytodiscernorconspicuouslytopointouttheinfluenceofindividuals，hedeniestheirexistence。Hepreferstalkingaboutthecharacteristicsofrace，thephysicalconformationofthecountry，orthegeniusofcivilization，whichabridgeshisownlabors，andsatisfieshisreaderfarbetteratlesscost。
　　M。deLafayettesayssomewhereinhis"Memoirs"thattheexaggeratedsystemofgeneralcausesaffordssurprisingconsolationstosecond—ratestatesmen。Iwilladd，thatitseffectsarenotlessconsolatorytosecond—ratehistorians;itcanalwaysfurnishafewmightyreasonstoextricatethemfromthemostdifficultpartoftheirwork，anditindulgestheindolenceorincapacityoftheirminds，whilstitconfersuponthemthehonorsofdeepthinking。
　　Formyself，Iamofopinionthatatalltimesonegreatportionoftheeventsofthisworldareattributabletogeneralfacts，andanothertospecialinfluences。Thesetwokindsofcausearealwaysinoperation:theirproportiononlyvaries。
　　Generalfactsservetoexplainmorethingsindemocraticthaninaristocraticages，andfewerthingsarethenassignabletospecialinfluences。Atperiodsofaristocracythereversetakesplace:specialinfluencesarestronger，generalcausesweaker—
　　unlessindeedweconsiderasageneralcausethefactitselfoftheinequalityofconditions，whichallowssomeindividualstobafflethenaturaltendenciesofalltherest。Thehistorianswhoseektodescribewhatoccursindemocraticsocietiesareright，therefore，inassigningmuchtogeneralcauses，andindevotingtheirchiefattentiontodiscoverthem;buttheyarewronginwhollydenyingthespecialinfluenceofindividuals，becausetheycannoteasilytraceorfollowit。
　　Thehistorianswholiveindemocraticagesarenotonlypronetoassignagreatcausetoeveryincident，buttheyarealsogiventoconnectincidentstogether，soastodeduceasystemfromthem。Inaristocraticages，astheattentionofhistoriansisconstantlydrawntoindividuals，theconnectionofeventsescapesthem;orrather，theydonotbelieveinanysuchconnection。Tothemtheclewofhistoryseemseveryinstantcrossedandbrokenbythestepofman。Indemocraticages，onthecontrary，asthehistorianseesmuchmoreofactionsthanofactors，hemayeasilyestablishsomekindofsequencyandmethodicalorderamongsttheformer。Ancientliterature，whichissorichinfinehistoricalcompositions，doesnotcontainasinglegreathistoricalsystem，whilstthepoorestofmodernliteraturesaboundwiththem。Itwouldappearthattheancienthistoriansdidnotmakesufficientuseofthosegeneraltheorieswhichourhistoricalwritersareeverreadytocarrytoexcess。
　　Thosewhowriteindemocraticageshaveanothermoredangeroustendency。Whenthetracesofindividualactionuponnationsarelost，itoftenhappensthattheworldgoesontomove，thoughthemovingagentisnolongerdiscoverable。Asitbecomesextremelydifficulttodiscernandtoanalyzethereasonswhich，actingseparatelyonthevolitionofeachmemberofthecommunity，concurintheendtoproducemovementintheoldmass，menareledtobelievethatthismovementisinvoluntary，andthatsocietiesunconsciouslyobeysomesuperiorforcerulingoverthem。Butevenwhenthegeneralfactwhichgovernstheprivatevolitionofallindividualsissupposedtobediscoveredupontheearth，theprincipleofhumanfree—willisnotsecure。Acausesufficientlyextensivetoaffectmillionsofmenatonce，andsufficientlystrongtobendthemalltogetherinthesamedirection，maywellseemirresistible:havingseenthatmankinddoyieldtoit，themindiscloseupontheinferencethatmankindcannotresistit。
　　Historianswholiveindemocraticages，then，notonlydenythatthefewhaveanypowerofactinguponthedestinyofapeople，buttheydeprivethepeoplethemselvesofthepowerofmodifyingtheirowncondition，andtheysubjectthemeithertoaninflexibleProvidence，ortosomeblindnecessity。Accordingtothem，eachnationisindissolublyboundbyitsposition，itsorigin，itsprecedents，anditscharacter，toacertainlotwhichnoeffortscaneverchange。Theyinvolvegenerationingeneration，andthus，goingbackfromagetoage，andfromnecessitytonecessity，uptotheoriginoftheworld，theyforgeacloseandenormouschain，whichgirdsandbindsthehumanrace。
　　Totheirmindsitisnotenoughtoshowwhateventshaveoccurred:theywouldfainshowthateventscouldnothaveoccurredotherwise。Theytakeanationarrivedatacertainstageofitshistory，andtheyaffirmthatitcouldnotbutfollowthetrackwhichbroughtitthither。Itiseasiertomakesuchanassertionthantoshowbywhatmeansthenationmighthaveadoptedabettercourse。
　　Inreadingthehistoriansofaristocraticages，andespeciallythoseofantiquity，itwouldseemthat，tobemasterofhislot，andtogovernhisfellow—creatures，manrequiresonlytobemasterofhimself。Inperusingthehistoricalvolumeswhichouragehasproduced，itwouldseemthatmanisutterlypowerlessoverhimselfandoverallaroundhim。Thehistoriansofantiquitytaughthowtocommand:thoseofourtimeteachonlyhowtoobey;intheirwritingstheauthoroftenappearsgreat，buthumanityisalwaysdiminutive。Ifthisdoctrineofnecessity，whichissoattractivetothosewhowritehistoryindemocraticages，passesfromauthorstotheirreaders，tillitinfectsthewholemassofthecommunityandgetspossessionofthepublicmind，itwillsoonparalyzetheactivityofmodernsociety，andreduceChristianstotheleveloftheTurks。I
　　wouldmoreoverobserve，thatsuchprinciplesarepeculiarlydangerousattheperiodatwhichwearearrived。Ourcontemporariesarebuttoopronetodoubtofthehumanfree—will，becauseeachofthemfeelshimselfconfinedoneverysidebyhisownweakness;buttheyarestillwillingtoacknowledgethestrengthandindependenceofmenunitedinsociety。Letnotthisprinciplebelostsightof;forthegreatobjectinourtimeistoraisethefacultiesofmen，nottocompletetheirprostration。
　　ChapterXXI:OfParliamentaryEloquenceInTheUnitedStatesAmongstaristocraticnationsallthemembersofthecommunityareconnectedwithanddependentuponeachother;thegraduatedscaleofdifferentranksactsasatie，whichkeepseveryoneinhisproperplaceandthewholebodyinsubordination。
　　Somethingofthesamekindalwaysoccursinthepoliticalassembliesofthesenations。Partiesnaturallyrangethemselvesundercertainleaders，whomtheyobeybyasortofinstinct，whichisonlytheresultofhabitscontractedelsewhere。Theycarrythemannersofgeneralsocietyintothelesserassemblage。
　　Indemocraticcountriesitoftenhappensthatagreatnumberofcitizensaretendingtothesamepoint;buteachoneonlymovesthither，oratleastflattershimselfthathemoves，ofhisownaccord。Accustomedtoregulatehisdoingsbypersonalimpulsealone，hedoesnotwillinglysubmittodictationfromwithout。Thistasteandhabitofindependenceaccompanyhimintothecouncilsofthenation。Ifheconsentstoconnecthimselfwithothermenintheprosecutionofthesamepurpose，atleasthechoosestoremainfreetocontributetothecommonsuccessafterhisownfashion。Henceitisthatindemocraticcountriespartiesaresoimpatientofcontrol，andarenevermanageableexceptinmomentsofgreatpublicdanger。Eventhen，theauthorityofleaders，whichundersuchcircumstancesmaybeabletomakemenactorspeak，hardlyeverreachestheextentofmakingthemkeepsilence。
　　Amongstaristocraticnationsthemembersofpoliticalassembliesareatthesametimemembersofthearistocracy。Eachofthemenjoyshighestablishedrankinhisownright，andthepositionwhichheoccupiesintheassemblyisoftenlessimportantinhiseyesthanthatwhichhefillsinthecountry。
　　Thisconsoleshimforplayingnopartinthediscussionofpublicaffairs，andrestrainshimfromtooeagerlyattemptingtoplayaninsignificantone。
　　InAmerica，itgenerallyhappensthataRepresentativeonlybecomessomebodyfromhispositionintheAssembly。Heisthereforeperpetuallyhauntedbyacravingtoacquireimportancethere，andhefeelsapetulantdesiretobeconstantlyobtrudinghisopinionsupontheHouse。Hisownvanityisnottheonlystimulantwhichurgeshimoninthiscourse，butthatofhisconstituents，andthecontinualnecessityofpropitiatingthem。
　　Amongstaristocraticnationsamemberofthelegislatureisrarelyinstrictdependenceuponhisconstituents:heisfrequentlytothemasortofunavoidablerepresentative;
　　sometimestheyarethemselvesstrictlydependentuponhim;andifatlengththeyrejecthim，hemayeasilygetelectedelsewhere，or，retiringfrompubliclife，hemaystillenjoythepleasuresofsplendididleness。InademocraticcountryliketheUnitedStatesaRepresentativehashardlyeveralastingholdonthemindsofhisconstituents。Howeversmallanelectoralbodymaybe，thefluctuationsofdemocracyareconstantlychangingitsaspect;itmust，therefore，becourtedunceasingly。Heisneversureofhissupporters，and，iftheyforsakehim，heisleftwithoutaresource;forhisnaturalpositionisnotsufficientlyelevatedforhimtobeeasilyknowntothosenotclosetohim;
　　and，withthecompletestateofindependenceprevailingamongthepeople，hecannothopethathisfriendsorthegovernmentwillsendhimdowntobereturnedbyanelectoralbodyunacquaintedwithhim。Theseedsofhisfortuneare，therefore，sowninhisownneighborhood;fromthatnookofearthhemuststart，toraisehimselftothecommandofapeopleandtoinfluencethedestiniesoftheworld。Thusitisnaturalthatindemocraticcountriesthemembersofpoliticalassembliesthinkmoreoftheirconstituentsthanoftheirparty，whilstinaristocraciestheythinkmoreoftheirpartythanoftheirconstituents。
　　ButwhatoughttobesaidtogratifyconstituentsisnotalwayswhatoughttobesaidinordertoservethepartytowhichRepresentativesprofesstobelong。Thegeneralinterestofapartyfrequentlydemandsthatmembersbelongingtoitshouldnotspeakongreatquestionswhichtheyunderstandimperfectly;thattheyshouldspeakbutlittleonthoseminorquestionswhichimpedethegreatones;lastly，andforthemostpart，thattheyshouldnotspeakatall。Tokeepsilenceisthemostusefulservicethatanindifferentspokesmancanrendertothecommonwealth。Constituents，however，donotthinkso。Thepopulationofadistrictsendsarepresentativetotakeapartinthegovernmentofacountry，becausetheyentertainaveryloftynotionofhismerits。Asmenappeargreaterinproportiontothelittlenessoftheobjectsbywhichtheyaresurrounded，itmaybeassumedthattheopinionentertainedofthedelegatewillbesomuchthehigherastalentsaremorerareamonghisconstituents。
　　Itwillthereforefrequentlyhappenthatthelessconstituentshavetoexpectfromtheirrepresentative，themoretheywillanticipatefromhim;and，howeverincompetenthemaybe，theywillnotfailtocalluponhimforsignalexertions，correspondingtotheranktheyhaveconferreduponhim。
　　IndependentlyofhispositionasalegislatoroftheState，electorsalsoregardtheirRepresentativeasthenaturalpatronoftheconstituencyintheLegislature;theyalmostconsiderhimastheproxyofeachofhissupporters，andtheyflatterthemselvesthathewillnotbelesszealousindefenseoftheirprivateintereststhanofthoseofthecountry。ThuselectorsarewellassuredbeforehandthattheRepresentativeoftheirchoicewillbeanorator;thathewillspeakoftenifhecan，andthatincaseheisforcedtorefrain，hewillstriveatanyratetocompressintohislessfrequentorationsaninquiryintoallthegreatquestionsofstate，combinedwithastatementofallthepettygrievancestheyhavethemselvestocomplainto;sothat，thoughhebenotabletocomeforwardfrequently，heshouldoneachoccasionprovewhatheiscapableofdoing;andthat，insteadofperpetuallylavishinghispowers，heshouldoccasionallycondensetheminasmallcompass，soastofurnishasortofcompleteandbrilliantepitomeofhisconstituentsandofhimself。Onthesetermstheywillvoteforhimatthenextelection。Theseconditionsdriveworthymenofhumbleabilitiestodespair，who，knowingtheirownpowers，wouldnevervoluntarilyhavecomeforward。Butthusurgedon，theRepresentativebeginstospeak，tothegreatalarmofhisfriends;andrushingimprudentlyintothemidstofthemostcelebratedorators，heperplexesthedebateandweariestheHouse。
　　AlllawswhichtendtomaketheRepresentativemoredependentontheelector，notonlyaffecttheconductofthelegislators，asIhaveremarkedelsewhere，butalsotheirlanguage。Theyexerciseasimultaneousinfluenceonaffairsthemselves，andonthemannerinwhichaffairsarediscussed。
　　ThereishardlyamemberofCongresswhocanmakeuphismindtogohomewithouthavingdespatchedatleastonespeechtohisconstituents;norwhowillendureanyinterruptionuntilhehasintroducedintohisharanguewhateverusefulsuggestionsmaybemadetouchingthefour—and—twentyStatesofwhichtheUnioniscomposed，andespeciallythedistrictwhichherepresents。Hethereforepresentstothemindofhisauditorsasuccessionofgreatgeneraltruths（whichhehimselfonlycomprehends，andexpresses，confusedly），andofpettyminutia，whichheisbuttooabletodiscoverandtopointout。Theconsequenceisthatthedebatesofthatgreatassemblyarefrequentlyvagueandperplexed，andthattheyseemrathertodragtheirslowlengthalongthantoadvancetowardsadistinctobject。Somesuchstateofthingswill，Ibelieve，alwaysariseinthepublicassembliesofdemocracies。
　　PropitiouscircumstancesandgoodlawsmightsucceedindrawingtothelegislatureofademocraticpeoplemenverysuperiortothosewhoarereturnedbytheAmericanstoCongress;
　　butnothingwilleverpreventthemenofslenderabilitieswhosittherefromobtrudingthemselveswithcomplacency，andinallways，uponthepublic。Theevildoesnotappeartometobesusceptibleofentirecure，becauseitnotonlyoriginatesinthetacticsofthatassembly，butinitsconstitutionandinthatofthecountry。TheinhabitantsoftheUnitedStatesseemthemselvestoconsiderthematterinthislight;andtheyshowtheirlongexperienceofparliamentarylifenotbyabstainingfrommakingbadspeeches，butbycourageouslysubmittingtohearthemmade。
　　Theyareresignedtoit，astoanevilwhichtheyknowtobeinevitable。
　　Wehaveshownthepettysideofpoliticaldebatesindemocraticassemblies—letusnowexhibitthemoreimposingone。
　　TheproceedingswithintheParliamentofEnglandforthelastonehundredandfiftyyearshaveneveroccasionedanygreatsensationoutofthatcountry;theopinionsandfeelingsexpressedbythespeakershaveneverawakenedmuchsympathy，evenamongstthenationsplacednearesttothegreatarenaofBritishliberty;
　　whereasEuropewasexcitedbytheveryfirstdebateswhichtookplaceinthesmallcolonialassembliesofAmericaatthetimeoftheRevolution。Thiswasattributablenotonlytoparticularandfortuitouscircumstances，buttogeneralandlastingcauses。I
　　canconceivenothingmoreadmirableormorepowerfulthanagreatoratordebatingongreatquestionsofstateinademocraticassembly。Asnoparticularclassiseverrepresentedtherebymencommissionedtodefenditsowninterests，itisalwaystothewholenation，andinthenameofthewholenation，thattheoratorspeaks。Thisexpandshisthoughts，andheightenshispoweroflanguage。Asprecedentshavetherebutlittleweight—astherearenolongeranyprivilegesattachedtocertainproperty，noranyrightsinherentincertainbodiesorincertainindividuals，themindmusthaverecoursetogeneraltruthsderivedfromhumannaturetoresolvetheparticularquestionunderdiscussion。Hencethepoliticaldebatesofademocraticpeople，howeversmallitmaybe，haveadegreeofbreadthwhichfrequentlyrendersthemattractivetomankind。Allmenareinterestedbythem，becausetheytreatofman，whoiseverywherethesame。Amongstthegreatestaristocraticnations，onthecontrary，themostgeneralquestionsarealmostalwaysarguedonsomespecialgroundsderivedfromthepracticeofaparticulartime，ortherightsofaparticularclass;whichinterestthatclassalone，oratmostthepeopleamongstwhomthatclasshappenstoexist。Itisowingtothis，asmuchastothegreatnessoftheFrenchpeople，andthefavorabledispositionofthenationswholistentothem，thatthegreateffectwhichtheFrenchpoliticaldebatessometimesproduceintheworld，mustbeattributed。TheoratorsofFrancefrequentlyspeaktomankind，evenwhentheyareaddressingtheircountrymenonly。
　　Book2
　　InfluenceOfDemocracyOnTheFeelingsOfAmericansChapterI:WhyDemocraticNationsShowAMoreArdentAndEnduringLoveOfEqualityThanOfLibertyThefirstandmostintensepassionwhichisengenderedbytheequalityofconditionsis，Ineedhardlysay，theloveofthatsameequality。MyreaderswillthereforenotbesurprisedthatIspeakofitsbeforeallothers。Everybodyhasremarkedthatinourtime，andespeciallyinFrance，thispassionforequalityiseverydaygaininggroundinthehumanheart。Ithasbeensaidahundredtimesthatourcontemporariesarefarmoreardentlyandtenaciouslyattachedtoequalitythantofreedom;
　　butasIdonotfindthatthecausesofthefacthavebeensufficientlyanalyzed，Ishallendeavortopointthemout。
　　Itispossibletoimagineanextremepointatwhichfreedomandequalitywouldmeetandbeconfoundedtogether。Letussupposethatallthemembersofthecommunitytakeapartinthegovernment，andthateachofthemhasanequalrighttotakeapartinit。Asnoneisdifferentfromhisfellows，nonecanexerciseatyrannicalpower:menwillbeperfectlyfree，becausetheywillallbeentirelyequal;andtheywillallbeperfectlyequal，becausetheywillbeentirelyfree。Tothisidealstatedemocraticnationstend。Suchisthecompletestformthatequalitycanassumeuponearth;butthereareathousandotherswhich，withoutbeingequallyperfect，arenotlesscherishedbythosenations。
　　Theprincipleofequalitymaybeestablishedincivilsociety，withoutprevailinginthepoliticalworld。Equalrightsmayexistofindulginginthesamepleasures，ofenteringthesameprofessions，offrequentingthesameplaces—inaword，oflivinginthesamemannerandseekingwealthbythesamemeans，althoughallmendonottakeanequalshareinthegovernment。A
　　kindofequalitymayevenbeestablishedinthepoliticalworld，thoughthereshouldbenopoliticalfreedomthere。Amanmaybetheequalofallhiscountrymensaveone，whoisthemasterofallwithoutdistinction，andwhoselectsequallyfromamongthemalltheagentsofhispower。Severalothercombinationsmightbeeasilyimagined，bywhichverygreatequalitywouldbeunitedtoinstitutionsmoreorlessfree，oreventoinstitutionswhollywithoutfreedom。Althoughmencannotbecomeabsolutelyequalunlesstheybeentirelyfree，andconsequentlyequality，pushedtoitsfurthestextent，maybeconfoundedwithfreedom，yetthereisgoodreasonfordistinguishingtheonefromtheother。Thetastewhichmenhaveforliberty，andthatwhichtheyfeelforequality，are，infact，twodifferentthings;andIamnotafraidtoaddthat，amongstdemocraticnations，theyaretwounequalthings。
　　Uponcloseinspection，itwillbeseenthatthereisineveryagesomepeculiarandpreponderatingfactwithwhichallothersareconnected;thisfactalmostalwaysgivesbirthtosomepregnantideaorsomerulingpassion，whichattractstoitself，andbearsawayinitscourse，allthefeelingsandopinionsofthetime:itislikeagreatstream，towardswhicheachofthesurroundingrivuletsseemstoflow。Freedomhasappearedintheworldatdifferenttimesandundervariousforms;ithasnotbeenexclusivelyboundtoanysocialcondition，anditisnotconfinedtodemocracies。Freedomcannot，therefore，formthedistinguishingcharacteristicofdemocraticages。Thepeculiarandpreponderatingfactwhichmarksthoseagesasitsownistheequalityofconditions;therulingpassionofmeninthoseperiodsistheloveofthisequality。Asknotwhatsingularcharmthemenofdemocraticagesfindinbeingequal，orwhatspecialreasonstheymayhaveforclingingsotenaciouslytoequalityratherthantotheotheradvantageswhichsocietyholdsouttothem:equalityisthedistinguishingcharacteristicoftheagetheylivein;that，ofitself，isenoughtoexplainthattheypreferittoalltherest。
　　Butindependentlyofthisreasonthereareseveralothers，whichwillatalltimeshabituallyleadmentopreferequalitytofreedom。Ifapeoplecouldeversucceedindestroying，orevenindiminishing，theequalitywhichprevailsinitsownbody，thiscouldonlybeaccomplishedbylongandlaboriousefforts。Itssocialconditionmustbemodified，itslawsabolished，itsopinionssuperseded，itshabitschanged，itsmannerscorrupted。
　　Butpoliticallibertyismoreeasilylost;toneglecttoholditfastistoallowittoescape。Menthereforenotonlyclingtoequalitybecauseitisdeartothem;theyalsoadheretoitbecausetheythinkitwilllastforever。
　　Thatpoliticalfreedommaycompromiseinitsexcessesthetranquillity，theproperty，thelivesofindividuals，isobvioustothenarrowestandmostunthinkingminds。But，onthecontrary，nonebutattentiveandclear—sightedmenperceivetheperilswithwhichequalitythreatensus，andtheycommonlyavoidpointingthemout。Theyknowthatthecalamitiestheyapprehendareremote，andflatterthemselvesthattheywillonlyfalluponfuturegenerations，forwhichthepresentgenerationtakesbutlittlethought。Theevilswhichfreedomsometimesbringswithitareimmediate;theyareapparenttoall，andallaremoreorlessaffectedbythem。Theevilswhichextremeequalitymayproduceareslowlydisclosed;theycreepgraduallyintothesocialframe;
　　theyareonlyseenatintervals，andatthemomentatwhichtheybecomemostviolenthabitalreadycausesthemtobenolongerfelt。Theadvantageswhichfreedombringsareonlyshownbylengthoftime;anditisalwayseasytomistakethecauseinwhichtheyoriginate。Theadvantagesofequalityareinstantaneous，andtheymayconstantlybetracedfromtheirsource。Politicallibertybestowsexaltedpleasures，fromtimetotime，uponacertainnumberofcitizens。Equalityeverydayconfersanumberofsmallenjoymentsoneveryman。Thecharmsofequalityareeveryinstantfelt，andarewithinthereachofall;
　　thenoblestheartsarenotinsensibletothem，andthemostvulgarsoulsexultinthem。Thepassionwhichequalityengendersmustthereforebeatoncestrongandgeneral。Mencannotenjoypoliticallibertyunpurchasedbysomesacrifices，andtheyneverobtainitwithoutgreatexertions。Butthepleasuresofequalityareself—proffered:eachofthepettyincidentsoflifeseemstooccasionthem，andinordertotastethemnothingisrequiredbuttolive。
　　Democraticnationsareatalltimesfondofequality，buttherearecertainepochsatwhichthepassiontheyentertainforitswellstotheheightoffury。Thisoccursatthemomentwhentheoldsocialsystem，longmenaced，completesitsowndestructionafteralastintestinestruggle，andwhenthebarriersofrankareatlengththrowndown。Atsuchtimesmenpounceuponequalityastheirbooty，andtheyclingtoitastosomeprecioustreasurewhichtheyfeartolose。Thepassionforequalitypenetratesoneverysideintomen’shearts，expandsthere，andfillsthementirely。Tellthemnotthatbythisblindsurrenderofthemselvestoanexclusivepassiontheyrisktheirdearestinterests:theyaredeaf。Showthemnotfreedomescapingfromtheirgrasp，whilsttheyarelookinganotherway:theyareblind—orrather，theycandiscernbutonesoleobjecttobedesiredintheuniverse。
　　WhatIhavesaidisapplicabletoalldemocraticnations:
　　whatIamabouttosayconcernstheFrenchalone。Amongstmostmodernnations，andespeciallyamongstallthoseoftheContinentofEurope，thetasteandtheideaoffreedomonlybegantoexistandtoextendthemselvesatthetimewhensocialconditionsweretendingtoequality，andasaconsequenceofthatveryequality。
　　Absolutekingswerethemostefficientlevellersofranksamongsttheirsubjects。Amongstthesenationsequalityprecededfreedom:
　　equalitywasthereforeafactofsomestandingwhenfreedomwasstillanovelty:theonehadalreadycreatedcustoms，opinions，andlawsbelongingtoit，whentheother，aloneandforthefirsttime，cameintoactualexistence。Thusthelatterwasstillonlyanaffairofopinionandoftaste，whilsttheformerhadalreadycreptintothehabitsofthepeople，possesseditselfoftheirmanners，andgivenaparticularturntothesmallestactionsoftheirlives。Canitbewonderedthatthemenofourowntimeprefertheonetotheother？
　　Ithinkthatdemocraticcommunitieshaveanaturaltasteforfreedom:lefttothemselves，theywillseekit，cherishit，andviewanyprivationofitwithregret。Butforequality，theirpassionisardent，insatiable，incessant，invincible:theycallforequalityinfreedom;andiftheycannotobtainthat，theystillcallforequalityinslavery。Theywillendurepoverty，servitude，barbarism—buttheywillnotendurearistocracy。
　　Thisistrueatalltimes，andespeciallytrueinourown。Allmenandallpowersseekingtocopewiththisirresistiblepassion，willbeoverthrownanddestroyedbyit。Inourage，freedomcannotbeestablishedwithoutit，anddespotismitselfcannotreignwithoutitssupport。
　　ChapterII:OfIndividualismInDemocraticCountriesIhaveshownhowitisthatinagesofequalityeverymanseeksforhisopinionswithinhimself:Iamnowabouttoshowhowitisthat，inthesameages，allhisfeelingsareturnedtowardshimselfalone。Individualism*aisanovelexpression，towhichanovelideahasgivenbirth。Ourfatherswereonlyacquaintedwithegotism。Egotismisapassionateandexaggeratedloveofself，whichleadsamantoconnecteverythingwithhisownperson，andtopreferhimselftoeverythingintheworld。
　　Individualismisamatureandcalmfeeling，whichdisposeseachmemberofthecommunitytoseverhimselffromthemassofhisfellow—creatures;andtodrawapartwithhisfamilyandhisfriends;sothat，afterhehasthusformedalittlecircleofhisown，hewillinglyleavessocietyatlargetoitself。Egotismoriginatesinblindinstinct:individualismproceedsfromerroneousjudgmentmorethanfromdepravedfeelings;itoriginatesasmuchinthedeficienciesofthemindasintheperversityoftheheart。Egotismblightsthegermofallvirtue;
　　individualism，atfirst，onlysapsthevirtuesofpubliclife;
　　but，inthelongrun，itattacksanddestroysallothers，andisatlengthabsorbedindownrightegotism。Egotismisaviceasoldastheworld，whichdoesnotbelongtooneformofsocietymorethantoanother:individualismisofdemocraticorigin，anditthreatenstospreadinthesameratioastheequalityofconditions。
　　[Footnotea:[Iadopttheexpressionoftheoriginal，howeverstrangeitmayseemtotheEnglishear，partlybecauseitillustratestheremarkontheintroductionofgeneraltermsintodemocraticlanguagewhichwasmadeinaprecedingchapter，andpartlybecauseIknowofnoEnglishwordexactlyequivalenttotheexpression。Thechapteritselfdefinesthemeaningattachedtoitbytheauthor。—Translator’sNote。]]