Itbeingobvious,fromtheseaccumulatedconsiderations,thatarealriseofgeneralwagescannotbethrownontheconsumerbyariseofprices;
itfollowsalsothatarealriseevenofpartialwages——ofwagesinoneorafewemployments——whenthrownontheconsumerbyanincreasedpriceofthearticlesproduced,isgenerallyagainmade,whollyorinpart,attheexpenseoftheremainderofthelabouringclasses。For,theaggregateincomesofthepurchasingpublicnotbeingincreased,ifmoreisspentonsomearticlesofconsumption,lesswillbespentonothers。Therearetwopossiblesuppositions。Thepublicmayeitherreduceitsconsumptionofthearticleswhichhaverisen,oritmayretrenchbypreferenceinotherarticles。Intheformercase,fftheconsumptionfallsoffinfullproportiontotheriseofprice,thereisnomoremoneythanbeforeexpendedinthearticle,andnomore,therefore,tobedividedbetweenthelabourersandtheiremployers;butthelabourersmaypossiblyretaintheirimprovedwages,attheexpenseofprofits,untiltheemployers,wearyofhavinglessprofitthanotherpeople,withdrawpartoftheircapital。Butiftheconsumptiondoesnotfalloff,orfallsoffinalessdegree,sothatmoreisreallyspentonthearticlesafterthanbeforetherise,thepricesofsomeotherthingswillfallfromdiminisheddemand;theproducersofthoseotherthingswillhavelesstodivide,andeitherwagesorprofitsmustsuffer。Itwillusuallybewages;forastherewillnotbeemploymentinthosedepartmentsforsomanylabourersasbefore,somelabourerswillbethrownoutofwork。
AsMr。Thorntonremarks,thegeneralincreaseoftheincomesofthecommunitythroughtheprogressofwealthmaymakeuptotheotherbranchesoftheproductiveclassesforwhattheythuslose,andconvertitfromanabsoluteloss,tothelossofagain——thegainwhichasabodytheywouldhavederivedfromthegeneralincreaseofwealth,butofwhichthewhole,ormorethanthefairshare,hasbeendrawnoffbyasinglebranch。Still,theriseofwagesinanydepartmentisnecessarilyattheexpenseeitherofwagesinotherdepartmentsorofprofits,andingeneralbothwillcontributetoit。Solong,atleast,asthereareanyclassesoflabourerswhoarenotunionised,thesuccessesoftheUnionswillgenerallybeacauseoflosstothelabourersinthenon—unionistoccupations。
Fromtherecognitionofthisfactarisesaseriousquestionofrightandwrong,asbetweenUnionistsandtheremainderofthelabouringclasses。
Asbetweenthemselvesandtheiremployers,theyareundernoobligationsbutthoseofprudence。Theemployersarequitecapableoftakingcareofthemselves。Unionistsareundernomoraldutytotheiremployerswhichtheconditionstheymayseektoimposeonthemcanpossiblyviolate。Buttheyowemoraldutiestotheremainderofthelabouringclasses,andmoraldutiestothecommunityatlarge;anditbehoovesthemtotakecarethattheconditionstheymakefortheirownseparateinterestdonotconflictwitheitheroftheseobligations。
Howeversatisfactorilythequestionmayadmitofbeinganswered,itstillrequirestobeasked,whetherUnionistsarejustifiedinseekingariseofwagesforthemselves,whichwillinallprobabilityproduceafallofwages,orlossofemployment,tootherlabourers,theirfellow—countrymen。
Stillmoreisthisquestionraisedbythoserestrictiverules,forbiddingtheemploymentofnon—unionists,limitingthenumberofapprentices,etc。,whichmanyUnionsmaintain,andwhicharesometimesindispensabletothecompleteefficacyofUnionism。For(asMr。Thorntonrecognises)thereisnokeepingupwageswithoutlimitingthenumberofcompetitorsforemployment。
Andallsuchlimitationinflictsdistincteviluponthosewhomitexcludes——uponthatgreatmassoflabouringpopulationwhichisoutsidetheUnions;anevilnottrifling,forifthesystemwererigorouslyenforceditwouldpreventunskilledlabourersortheirchildrenfromeverrisingtotheconditionofskilled。Inwhatmannerisasystemwhichthusoperates,tobereconciledeitherwiththeobligationsofgeneralmorality,orwiththespecialregardprofessedbylabouringmenfortheinterestofthelabouringclass?TothejustificationofUnionismitisnecessarynotonlythatamodeofreconciliationshouldexist,butthatUnionistsshouldknowitandconsiderit;forifthereiseversogoodadefenceoftheirconduct,andtheydonotknoworcareaboutit,theircaseismorallythesameasiftherewerenone。
Unionistswhodonotconcernthemselveswiththesescruplesare,inintention,sacrificingtheinterestsoftheirfellow—labourers,themajorityofthelabouringclasses,totheirownseparateadvantage;theyaremakingthemselvesintoanoligarchyofmanuallabourers,indirectlysupportedbyataxleviedonthedemocracy。
Thereare,however,twoconsiderations,eitherofwhich,inthemindofanuprightandpublicspiritedworkingman,mayfairlylegitimatehisadhesiontoUnionism。Thefirstis,byconsideringtheUnionsofparticulartradesasameresteptowardsanuniversalUnion,includingalllabour,andasameansofeducatingtheeliteoftheworkingclassesforsuchafuture。ThisiswellputbyMr。Thornton:——
Though,intheinterestsofuniversallabour,theformationofnationalandcosmopolitanunionismbeclearlyanendtobeaimedat,thebest,ifnottheonlymeanstothatendisthepreviousformationandbringingtomaturityofseparatetradeunions。Thethingisscarcelytobedone,ifdoneatall,inanyotherway。Nationalunionismisonlytobebuiltuppiecemeal。Tobeginbylayingfoundationscoextensivewiththeareatobefinallycovered,wouldbeasurewayofnevergettingbeyondthefoundations。
Theonlyplanatallfeasible,isforseparatesectionsoflabourerstoorganisethemselvesindependently,andforeachseparateorganisationtoconfineitsattentiontoitsownaffairs,whereinitwouldlongfindabundantoccupationwithouttroublingitselfaboutthoseofitsneighbours,untilitandthey,havinggrownstrongenoughtostandalone,shouldperceiveittobefortheirmutualadvantagetocoalesceandstandtogether。Thisistheplanwhich,unconsciouslyperhapsforthemostpart,trades’unionsareatpresentfollowing,eachinobediencetoitsownselfishinstinct,seekingonlytodothebestforitself,yeteachdoingtherebythebestfortheothersalso。Thatthisoranyotherplanwilleverreallyeventuateintheformationofaconfederacyembracingtheentireworkingpopulation,maytomostpeopleappearanutterlychimericalnotion,andnodoubtthechancesaregreatagainstitsrealisation。
Butthething,howeverimprobable,isnotmoreimprobablethansomeoftheactualphenomenaofunionismwouldnotlongsincehaveappeared。Halfacenturyback,whilethemarvellousorganisingaptitudesofworkingmenlaydormantandunsuspected,itwouldhavebeenquiteasdifficultforanyonetolookforwardtotheexisting’amalgamation’oflittlelessthan50,000engineersor70,000miners,asitisnowtoimaginethatinanothercenturyorso——noverylongperiodinanation’slife——acombinationoftheseandofotherassociationsmayweldtogetherthewholecommunityofBritishworkmenasonebrotherhood。Atthepresentrateofprogresslessthanahundredyearswouldsufficefortheoperation。(Pp。289—90。)
Thisprospectmayappeartooremote,andevenvisionary,tobeanactuatingmotivewithanyconsiderablenumberofUnionists;butitiscertainlynotbeyondtheaspirationoftheleadersofUnionism,andwhatismore,somegreatstepshavealreadybeenmadeinthedirectionofitsrealisation。
AgenerationagoallUnionswerelocal,andinthosedaysstrikesweremuchmorefrequent,muchoftenerunreasonable,andmuchoftenerattendedwithcriminalexcesses,thanisthecaseatpresent。Sincethen,anumberofthemostimportanttradeshavebeenformedintoAmalgamatedSocietiesextendingtothewholecountry,andacentralcouncildecideswithaviewtotheinterestsoftheentiretrade,whatconditionsshallbeimposedonemployers,andinwhatcasesstrikesshalltakeplace。AnditisadmittedthattherulesoftheseAmalgamatedSocietiesaremuchlessobjectionablethanthoseofthelocalunionspreviouslywere,andthatthecentralbodypreventsmanymorestrikesthanitsanctions。Theimmediatemotivetotheamalgamationswas,ofcourse,theexperiencethatattemptsinonetowntoobtainariseofwages,onlycausedthetransferofthebusinesstoanother。Concerthavingbeenatlengthsubstitutedforcompetitionbetweendifferenttowns,theUnionsnowaimateffectingthesamesubstitutionbetweendifferentcountries:andwithinthelastfewyearsthereisacommencementofInternationalCongressesofworkingpeople,topreventtheeffortsmadeinonecountryfrombeingfrustratedforwantofacommonunderstandingwithothercountries。Andtherecanbelittledoubtthattheseattemptstolaythefoundationofanallianceamongtheartisansofcompetingcountries,havealreadyproducedsomeeffect,andwillacquireincreasingimportance。
Thereis,however,another,andalesselevated,butnotfallaciouspointofview,fromwhichtheapparentinjusticeofUnionismtothenon—unitedclassesoflabourersmaybemorallyvindicatedtotheconscienceofanintelligentUnionist。ThisistheMalthusianpointofview,soblindlydecriedashostileandodious,aboveall,tothelabouringclasses。Theignorantanduntrainedpartofthepoorerclasses(suchUnionistsmaysay)
willpeopleuptothepointwhichwillkeeptheirwagesatthatmiserableratewhichthelowscaleoftheirideasandhabitsmakesendurabletothem。
Aslongastheirmindsremainintheirpresentstate,ourpreventingthemfromcompetingwithusforemploymentdoesthemnorealinjury;itonlysavesourselvesfrombeingbroughtdowntotheirlevel。Thosewhomweexcludeareamorallyinferiorclassoflabourerstous;theirlabourisworthless,andtheirwantofprudenceandserf—restraintmakesthemmuchmoreactiveinaddingtothepopulation。Wedothemnowrongbyintrenchingourselvesbehindabarrier,toexcludethosewhosecompetitionwouldbringdownourwages,withoutmorethanmomentarilyraisingtheirs,butonlyaddingtothetotalnumbersinexistence。Thisisthepracticaljustification,asthingsnoware,ofsomeoftheexclusiveregulationsofTrades’Unions。
Ifthemajorityoftheirmemberslookuponthisstateofthings,sofarastheexcludedlabourersareconcerned,withindifference,andthinkitenoughfortheUnionstotakecareoftheirownmembers,thisisnotmoreculpableinthemthanisthesameindifferenceinclassesfarmorepowerfulandmoreprivilegedbysociety。Butitisastrongindicationofabetterspiritamongthem,thattheoperativesandartisansthroughoutthecountryformthemainstrengthofthedemand,rapidlybecomingirresistible,foruniversalandcompulsoryeducation。Thebrutishignoranceofthelowestorderofunskilledlabourershasnomoredeterminedenemies,nonemoreearnestininsistingthatitbecured,thanthecomparativelyeducatedworkmenwhodirecttheUnions。
ThemoraldutieswhichUnionistsowetosocietyatlarge——tothepermanentinterestofthenationandoftherace——arestilllessregardedthanthedutiesimposedbygoodfeelingtowardstheirownclass。Thereisaslittlepracticalsenseofsuchdutiesinthemindsofworkmenasinthoseofemployers——andtherecanscarcelybeless。Yetitisevident(forinstance)thatitcannotbefightthatacontestbetweentwoportionsofsocietyastothetermsonwhichtheywillco—operate,shouldbesettledbyimpairingtheefficacyoftheirjointaction。Theremustbesomebettermodeofsharingthefruitsofhumanproductivepowerthanbydiminishingtheiramount。Yetthisisnotonlytheeffect,buttheintention,ofmanyoftheconditionsimposedbysomeUnionsonworkmenandonemployers。Allrestrictionsontheemploymentofmachinery,oronarrangementsforeconomisinglabour,deservethiscensure。
SomeoftheUnionistregulationsgoevenfurtherthantoprohibitimprovements;
theyarecontrivedfortheexpresspurposeofmakingworkinefficient;
theypositivelyprohibittheworkmanfromworkinghardandwell,inorderthatitmaybenecessarytoemployagreaternumber。Regulationsthatnooneshallmovebricksinawheelbarrow,butonlycarrytheminahod,andthennomorethaneightatatime;thatstonesshallnotbeworkedatthequarrywhiletheyaresoft,butmustbeworkedbythemasonsoftheplacewheretheyaretobeused;thatplasterersshallnotdotheworkofplasterers’
labourers,norlabourersthatofplasterers,butaplastererandalabourermustbothbeemployedwhenonewouldsuffice;thatbricksmadeononesideofaparticularcanalmustliethereunused,whilefreshbricksaremadeforworkgoingonupontheother;thatmenshallnotdosogoodaday’sworkasto"besttheirmates;"thattheyshallnotwalkatmorethanagivenpacetotheirworkwhenthewalkiscounted"inthemaster’stime"——theseandscoresofsimilarexampleswhichwillbefoundinMr。Thornton’sbook,equallyvexatious,andsomeofthemmoreridiculous,areallgraveviolationsofthemoralrule,thatdisputesbetweenclassesshouldnotbesoconductedastomaketheworldaworseplaceforbothtogether,andultimatelyforthewholeofthecommunity。Idonotsaythattherearenevercaseswhichjustifyaresorttomeasureseventhusbadinprinciple。Aportionofsocietywhichcannototherwiseobtainjustconsiderationfromtherest,maybewarrantedindoingamischieftosocietyinordertoextortwhatitconsidersitsdues。Butwhenthusacting,thatportionofsocietyisinastateofwarwiththerest;andsuchmeansareneverjustifiablebutasweaponsofwar,likethedevastationofacountryandtheslaughterofitsinnocentinhabitants——thingsabominableinthemselves,butwhichmayunhappilybetheonlymeansofforcingapowerfuladversarytoconsenttojusttermsofaccommodation。Itispalpablyforthegoodofsocietythatitsmeansofproduction,thattheefficacyofitsindustry,shouldbeasgreataspossible,anditcannotbenecessarytoanequitabledivisionoftheproducetomakethatefficacyless。Thetruemoralityoftheworkmenwouldbetosecondzealouslyallmeansbywhichlabourcanbeeconomisedormademoreefficient,buttodemandtheirshareofthebenefit。Inwhatshapetheyshallobtainit,isamatterofnegociationbetweentheparties,thedifficultiesofwhichmaybegreatlylightenedbyanimpartialarbitration;anditisinsuchcases,aboveallothers,thatadvantagemightbeexpectedfromtheCouncilsofConciliation,whichMr。MundellaandMr。RupertKettlehavesoforciblyadvocated,andhavecarriedsosuccessfullyintopracticeintheirrespectivelocalities。Theidentificationoftheinterestoftheworkmenwiththeefficiency,insteadoftheinefficiencyofthework,isahappyresultasyetonlyattainedbyco—operativeindustryinsomedofitsforms。Andifitshouldprove,intheend,nottobeattainableotherwise;iftheclaimsoftheworkmentosharethebenefitofwhateverwasbeneficialtothegeneralinterestofthebusiness,becameanembarrassmenttothemastersfromwhichnosystemofarbitrationcouldsufficientlyrelievethem,andgrowinginconveniencetothemfromtheoppositionofinterestbetweenthemselvesandtheworkmenshouldstimulatetheconversionofexistingbusinessesintoIndustrialPartnerships,inwhichthewholebodyofworkpeoplehaveadirectinterestintheprofitsoftheenterprise;suchatransformationwouldbethetrueeuthanasiaofTrades’Unionism,whileitwouldtrainandprepareatleastthesuperiorportionoftheworkingclassesforaformofco—operationstillmoreequalandcomplete。
ItistothisfeatureinthefuturityoflabourthatthewholeofMr。
Thornton’sargumentleadsup:andtothishelooksforwardasthetruesolutionofthegreateconomicproblemofmodernlife。Nowherewillbefoundsocompactandcomprehensiveanaccountofthevariousformsofco—operativeindustrywhichhavebeentriedinthisandothercountrieswithsuchremarkablesuccess,eitherbycombinationsofoperativesunitingtheirsmallsavings,orbycapitalistemployersadmittingtheirworkmentoaparticipationinprofits。Iwillnotweakenthesemostinterestingstatementsbyabridgment,norisitnecessarytoprolongthisarticlebydissertingonasubjectwhichiseveryyearcommandingmoreoftheattentionofthebestpracticalminds。ThereadermaybereferredtoMr。Thorntonforaconclusiveanswertothehesitationsconcerningtheprobabilitiesofsuccessofthisgreatmovement,aswellasforaninspiringpictureoftheblessingstohumansocietywhichmayrationallybeexpectedfromitsprogressiverealisation。
IwillratherturnbacktoUnionism,andconcludewithapassageembodyingtheauthor’sultimatemoraljudgmentuponit。(Pp。333—36。)
Sufficientnotehasnotperhapsbeentakenoftheeducationalofficewhichunionismissilentlyandunconsciouslyperforming,andofthesofteningandcomposinginfluencewhichitisinsensiblyexercisingoveritsconstituents。
Mereunion,quiteirrespectivelyofanyspecialobject,isofitselfbeneficialdiscipline。Themereactofassociationisofitselfawholesomesubordinationoftheindividualtothegeneral。Merelytocombineforsomecommonobject,causespeopletotakeprideandpleasureinthatobject,whateveritbe,andrendersthemreadytomakesacrificesforitsfurtherance。Andiftheobjectbemutualdefenceandmutualsupport,then,fortheassociatestotakeaninterestinitandineachother,isoneandthesamething。Amongtrades’unionistsaccustomedtolooktoeachotherforassistanceinsickness,indistress,andinoldage,thesenseofmutualdependencebegetsmutualattachment。Intheirofficialintercoursetheyspeakofeachotheras’brothers;’
andthewordisnotanemptysound,butindicatesthesortofrelationshipwhichtheyatleastdesireshouldsubsistbetweenthem,andwhich,becausethey,dodesireit,issuretogrowup。Sofartheirsympathieshavealreadywidened,anditischaracteristicofallmoralexpansionnevertoceaseexpanding。Thosewho,fromcaringfornonebutthemselves,havegotsofarastocarefortheirfellow—workmen,willnotstoptilltheyhavelearnedtocareforalltheirfellow—men。Loveoftheirclasswillprovetohavebeenonlyanintermediatestage。betweenself—loveandloveoftheirkind。
Norisitonlyindirectlythatunionismisqualifiedtocontributetowardsthismoraldevelopment。Certainofitsarrangementsarecalculatedtoleadstraighttowardsthesameresult。Hitherto,protectionagainstmaterialevilandacquisitionofmaterialgoodhavebeenitschiefcare,buthigherobjectsarebeginningtoclaimattention,andintellectualandmoralimprovementarecominginforashareofsolicitude。InthelodgesoftheLondonbricklayers,drunkennessandswearingareexpresslyinterdicted。UndertheauspicesoftheAmalgamatedCarpenters,industrialschoolsarebeingestablished。
Thesearestrawsonthesurface,showinghowthecurrentofunionistopinionisflowing。ThedaymaynotbeverydistantwhenincreasingespritdecorpswillmakeAmalgamatedEngineersandCarpentersasproudindividuallyoftheirrespectivesocieties,asjealousoftheirhonour,andasunwillingtodisgracethem,astheofficersoftheoldBengalEngineersusedtobeoftheirconnectionwiththatpre—eminentlydistinguishedcorps;andinproportionasthosefeelingsbecomegeneralamongunionists,inthesameproportionmayunionismbeexpectedtodivestitselfofitsoffensiveattributes,exchangingeventuallypastviolenceandextravaganceforasmuchmoderationasitsnaturewilladmitof。
Still,evenwhensomodifiedandchastened,thenecessityforitscontinuingtoexistatallwillcontinuetobeanevil。Theoneconstitutionalvice,inherentinandinseparablefromunionism,isitsbeingavisibleandatangibleembodimentofthatantagonismbetweenlabourandcapital,whichhasalwaysbeenthecurseoftheoneandathorninthefleshoftheother……Theutmostsuccessesofwhichitiscapablecanneverbesuchaswell—wishersoftheirfellow—men,withanycatholicityofsympathy,willbemuchdisposedtorejoiceover。Itshighestachievementsmustalwaysfallveryshortindeedoftheconsummationtowhichspeculativephilanthropylovestolookforward,whenlabourandcapital,nolongerneedingtokeepeachother’saggressivenessincheck,shallcordiallycombineformutualco—operation……Butuntiltheallianceiseffected,andaslongastheantagonismsubsists,trades’
unionismwillcontinuetobeanindispensableauxiliaryoflabour,andthesooneritissorecognised,bothbythelegislatureandbycapitalists,thebetterforthepublicpeace。
NOTES:
1。London:Longman,Brown,Green,andLongmans,1846。
2。London:Murray,1848。
3。"Itis,therefore,strictlycorrecttosay,thatthevalueofthingswhichcanbeincreasedinquantityatpleasure,doesnotdepend(exceptaccidentally,andduringthetimenecessaryforproductiontoadjustitself)upondemandandsupply;onthecontrary,demandandsupplydependuponit……Demandandsupplygovernthevalueofallthingswhichcannotbeindefinitelyincreased;exceptthat,evenforthem,whenproducedbyindustry,thereisaminimumvaluedeterminedbythecostofproduction。Butinallthingswhichadmitofindefinitemultiplication,demandandsupplyonlydeterminetheperturbationsofvalue,duringaperiodwhichcannotexceedthelengthoftimenecessaryforalteringthesupply。Whilethusrulingtheoscillationsofvalue,theythemselvesobeyasuperiorforce,whichmakesvaluegravitatetowardscostofproduction,andwhichwouldsettleitandkeepitthere,iffreshdisturbinginfluenceswerenotcontinuallyarisingtomakeitagaindeviate。"J。S。Mill,Print。
ofPol。Econ。,bookiii。ch。iii。§2。
4。Mill,J。S。"DeQuincey’sLogicofPoliticalEconomy,"
5。"DeQuincey’sLogicofPoliticalEconomy,"
6。"This,"saysMr。Thornton,"inspeakingoftangiblecommodities,seemstomeamoreaccurateaswellasasimplerwayofstatingthecase,thantosaythatthecompetitionofdealersmakespricefall,andthatcompetitionofcustomersmakesitrise。Whatthelattercompetitionseemstomereallytodois,toshowthedealersthatahigherpricethantheypreviouslysupposedisattainable,andtoinducethemconsequentlytorelaxtheirowncompetitionsoastoattainit。"(p。69n。)
7。Cf。"Preface"tothe7thed。ofPrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy,8。ThatthosewhohavenotyetreadMr。Thornton’sbookmaynotbeeventemporarilyliabletothemisunderstandingofhismeaning,andofthewholespiritofhiswritings,whichmightbetheeffectofreadingonlythepassagecitedinthetext,Iwillatoncebringforwardtheothersideofhisopinion。Nothing,hesays,canbefurtherfromhispurpose"thantoexculpatetheexistingsocialsystem,ortosuggestanexcuseforcontinuedacquiescenceinitsenormities……Toaffirmthatthoseevilsoftheexistingsocialpolitywhichconstitutethepeculiargrievanceofthepoorarenottheresultofhumaninjustice,isperfectlyconsistentwiththemostvehementdenunciationbothoftheevilsthemselvesandoftheheartlessindifferencethatwouldperpetuatethem。Itisperfectlyconsistent,evenwiththeadmissionthattherichareboundtodowhattheycantoalleviatethoseevils——withthisproviso,however,thattheyaresobound,notbytheirdutytoothers,butbytheirdutytothemselves。
Theobligationisimposeduponthemnotbyinjunctionsofjustice,butbytheforceofsympathyandtheexhortationsofhumanityandcharity。
Thesacrificeswhichitmaythusbecomeincumbentontherichtomake,thepoorarenotinconsequenceentitledtodemand。Ifthesacrificesarewithheld,therichstandconvictedindeedofbruteselfishness,buttheydonottherebylaythemselvesopentotheadditionalchargeofinjustice。
Thisdistinctionisnotdrawnforthesakeofpedanticprecision;itisoneofimmensepracticalimportance。Toallrightreasoning,itisessentialthatthingsshouldbecalledbytheirrightnames;andthatnothing,howeverbad,shouldreceiveaworsenamethanitdeserves。Themoreglaringasin,thelessreasonisthereforexaggeratingit;and,inthecasebeforeus,theuseofanerroneousepithethasbeenafruitfulsourceoffurthererror。
Unlessthepresentconstitutionofsocietyhadbeenarbitrarilyassumedtobeunjust,itwouldneverhavebeenproposedtocorrectitsinjusticebyresortingtomeanswhichwouldotherwisehavebeenatonceperceivedtobethemselvesutterlyunjustifiable。Onnootheraccountcoulditeverhavebeensupposedthatlibertydemandedforitsownvindicationtheviolationofliberty,andthatthefreedomofcompetitionoughttobefetteredorabolished。Forfreedomofcompetitionmeansnomorethanthateveryoneshouldbeatlibertytodohisbestforhimself,leavingallothersequallyatlibertytodotheirbestforthemselves。Ofallthenaturalrightsofman,thereisnotonemoreincontestablethanthis,norwithwhichinterferencewouldbemoremanifestlyunrighteous。Yetthisitisproposedtosetasideasincompatiblewiththerightsoflabour,asifthosecouldpossiblyberightswhichcannotbemaintainedexceptbyunrighteousmeans。(Pp。94—5。)
TheheartinessofMr。Thornton’sdevotiontotheinterestofthelabouringclasses(or,itshouldratherbesaid,totheinterestofhumannatureasembodiedinthem),ismanifestedthroughoutthework;
butnowheresovividlyasinthenobleIntroductoryChapter,wherehedepictsastateofthingsinwhichallthegrosserandmorepalpableevilsoftheirpovertymightbeextinct,andshowsthatwiththistheyoughtnot,andweoughtnot,tobecontent。Itisnotenoughthattheyshouldnolongerbeobjectsofpity。Theconditionsofapositivelyhappyanddignifiedexistencearewhathedemandsforthem,aswellasforeveryotherportionofthehumanrace。
9。Bynomeansacompleteanswer;forthereisamediumbetweenprivateappropriationoflandanddenialofprotectiontoitsfruits。Istherenotsuchathingastemporaryappropriation?Asamatteroffact,evenincountriesofthemostimprovedagriculture,thetillageisusuallyperformedbypersonswhohavenopropertyinthesoil——oftenbymeretenantsatwill。