Inspiteofalapseofsixtyyears，thehistorianwhoattemptstoportraytheeraofLincolnisstillfacedwithalmostimpossibledemandsandstillconfrontedwitharbitrarypointsofview。Itisoutofthequestion，inabooksobriefasthismustnecessarilybe，tomeetallthesedemandsortoalterthesepointsofview。Intereststhatarepurelylocal，eventsthatdidnotwithcertaintycontributetothefinaloutcome，gossip，aswellasthemerecapriceofthescholar——thesemustobviouslybesetaside。
Thetaskimposeduponthevolumeresolvesitself，atbottom，intojusttwoquestions:Whywasthereawar?WhywastheLincolnGovernmentsuccessful?WiththesetwoquestionsalwaysinmindI
haveendeavored，ontheonehand，toselectandconsolidatethepertinentfacts；ontheother，tomakeclear，evenatthecostofexplanatorycomment，theirrelationsinthehistoricalsequenceofcauseandeffect。Thispurposehasparticularlygovernedtheuseofbiographicalmatter，inwhichthemainillustration，ofcourse，isthecareerofLincoln。Prominentasitisheremade，theLincolnmatterallbearsinthelastanalysisononepoint——hiscontrolofhissupport。OnthatthehistoryoftheNorthhinges。ThepersonalandprivateLincolnitisimpossibletopresentwithinthesepages。ThepublicLincoln，includingthecharacterofhismind，isheretheessentialmatter。
Thebibliographyatthecloseofthevolumeindicatesthemoreimportantbookswhichareatthereader'sdisposalandwhichitisunfortunatenottoknow。
"ThereisreallynoUnionnowbetweentheNorthandtheSouth……
NotwonationsuponearthentertainfeelingsofmorebitterrancortowardeachotherthanthesetwonationsoftheRepublic。"
Thisremark，whichisattributedtoSenatorBenjaminWadeofOhio，providesthekeytoAmericanpoliticsinthedecadefollowingtheCompromiseof1850。Totracethisdivisionofthepeopletoitsultimatesource，onewouldhavetogofarbackintocolonialtimes。Therewasaprocessofnaturalselectionatwork，intheintellectualandeconomicconditionsoftheeighteenthcentury，whichinevitablydrewtogethercertaintypesandgeneratedcertainforces。ThisprocessmanifesteditselfinoneforminHisMajesty'splantationsoftheNorth，andinanotherinthoseoftheSouth。Asearlyastheopeningofthenineteenthcentury，thesocialtendenciesofthetworegionswerealreadysofaralienatedthattheyinvolveddifferenceswhichwouldscarcelyadmitofreconciliation。Itisatruismtosaythatthesedifferencesgraduallywereconcentratedaroundfundamentallydifferentconceptionsoflabor——ofslavelaborintheSouth，offreelaborintheNorth。
Nothing，however，couldbemorefallaciousthanthenotionthatthisgrowingantagonismwascontrolledbyanydeliberatepurposeineitherpartofthecountry。ItwasapparentlynecessarythatthisRepublicinitsevolutionshouldproceedfromconfederationtonationalitythroughanintermediateandapparentlyreactionaryperiodofsectionalism。InthisstageofAmericanhistory，slaverywaswithoutdoubtoneoftheprimefactorsinvolved，butsectionalconsciousness，withallitsemotionalandpsychologicalimplications，wasthefundamentalimpulseofthesterneventswhichoccurredbetween1850and1865。
BythemiddleofthenineteenthcenturythemoreinfluentialSouthernershadcomegenerallytoregardtheirsectionofthecountryasadistinctsocialunit。Thenextstepwasinevitable。
TheSouthbegantoregarditselfasaseparatepoliticalunit。
ItisthedistinctionofCalhounthatheshowedhimselftowardtheendsufficientlyflexibletobecometheexponentofthisnewpoliticalimpulse。WithallhisearlierfireheencouragedtheSouthernerstowithdrawfromtheso-callednationalparties，WhigandDemocratic，toestablishinsteadasingleSouthernparty，andtoformulate，bymeansofpopularconventions，asingleconcertedpolicyfortheentireSouth。
Atthattimesuchapolicywasstillregarded，fromtheSouthernpointofview，asaradicalidea。In1851，abattlewasfoughtatthepollsbetweenthetwoSouthernideas——theoldonewhichupheldseparatestateindependence，andthenewonewhichvirtuallyacknowledgedSouthernnationality。Theissueatstakewastheacceptanceortherejectionofacompromisewhichcouldbringnopermanentsettlementoffundamentaldifferences。
NowherewasthebattlemoreinterestingthaninSouthCarolina，foritbroughtintoclearlightthatpowerfulSouthernleaderwhotenyearslaterwastobethemasterspiritofsecession——RobertBarnwellRhett。In1851hefoughthardtorevivetheolderideaofstateindependenceandtocarrySouthCarolinaasaseparatestateoutoftheUnion。AccordinglyitissignificantoftheprogressthattheconsolidationoftheSouthhadmadeatthisdatethatonthisissueRhettencounteredgeneralopposition。
Thisdifferenceofopinionastopolicywasnotinspired，assomehistorianshavetoohastilyconcluded，bynationalfeeling。
ScarcelyanyoftheleadersoftheoppositionconsideredtheFederalGovernmentsupremeovertheStateGovernment。
TheyopposedRhettbecausetheyfeltsecessiontobeatthatmomentbadpolicy。Theysawthat，ifSouthCarolinawentoutoftheUnionin1851，shewouldgoaloneandthesolidarityoftheSouthwouldbebroken。Theywerenotlackinginsectionalpatriotism，buttheirconceptionofthebestsolutionofthecomplexproblemdifferedfromthatadvocatedbyRhett。TheirpositionwassummedupbyLangdonCheveswhenhesaid，"TosecedenowistosecedefromtheSouthaswellasfromtheUnion。"OnthebasisofthisbelieftheydefeatedRhettandputoffsecessionfortenyears。
ThereisnoanalogoussingleeventinthehistoryoftheNorth，previoustothewar，whichrevealswithsimilarclearnessasectionalconsciousness。Onthesurfacethelifeofthepeopleseemed，indeed，tobelietheexistenceofanysuchfeeling。TheNortherncapitalistclassaimedsteadilyatbeingnon-sectional，anditmadefreeuseofthewordnational。Wemustnotforget，however，thatallsortsofpeopletalkedofnationalinstitutions，andthattheterm，untilwelookcloselyintothemindof，thepersonusingit，signifiesnothing。BecausetheNortherncapitalistrepudiatedtheideaofsectionalism，itdoesnotfollowthathesetupanyotherinitsplace。Insteadofaccomplishinganythingsopositive，heremainedforthemostpartanegativequantity。
LivingusuallysomewherebetweenMaineandOhio，hemadeithischiefpurposetoregulatetheoutflowofmanufacturesfromthatindustrialregionandtheinflowofagriculturalproduce。Themovementofthelattereastwardandnorthward，andtheformerwestwardandsouthward，representsroughlybutgraphicallythemovementofthebusinessofthattime。TheEasternerlivedinfearoflosingthemoneywhichwasowedhimintheSouth。AsthepoliticalandeconomicconditionsofthedaymadeunlikelyanyseriousclashofinterestbetweentheEastandtheWest，hehadlittlesolicitudeabouthisaccountsbeyondtheAlleghanies。ButagraduallydevelopinghostilitybetweenNorthandSouthwasaccompaniedbyaparallelanxietyonthepartofNortherncapitalforitsSoutherninvestmentsanddebts。Whenthewareventuallybecameinevitable，$200，000，000wereowedbySouthernerstoNortherners。Forthosedaysthiswasanindebtednessofnoinconsiderablemagnitude。TheNortherncapitalists，preoccupiedwiththeirdesiretosecurethisaccount，werenaturallyeagertorepudiatesectionalism，andtalkedaboutnationalinterestswithazealthathassometimesbeenmisinterpreted。Throughouttheentireperiodfrom1850to1865，capitalinAmericanpoliticsplayedforthemostpartanegativerole，andnotuntilafterthewardiditbecomeindependentofitsSoutherninterests。
FortherealNorthofthatdaywemustturntothoseNorthernerswhofeltsufficientuntothemselvesandwhosepoliticalconvictionswereunbiasedbypersonalinterestswhichwereinvolvedinotherpartsofthecountry。Wemustlistentothedistinctvoicesthatgaveutterancetotheirviews，andwemustobservethedefiniteschemesoftheirpoliticalleaders。
Directlywedothis，thefactstaresusinthefacethattheNorthhadbecomeademocracy。Therichmannolongerplayedtheroleofgrandee，forbythistimetherehadarisenthosetwogroupswhich，betweenthem，aretheruinofaristocracy——theclassofprosperouslaborersandthegroupofwell-to-dointellectuals。Ofthese，thelattergaveutterance，first，totheirfaithindemocracy，andthen，withalltheintensityofpartisanzeal，totheirsenseoftheNorthastheagentofdemocracy。TheprosperouslaborersapplaudedthisexpressionofanopinioninwhichtheythoroughlybelievedandatthesametimegavetheirwillingsupporttoalandpolicythatwastypicallyNorthern。
Americaneconomichistoryinthemiddlethirdofthecenturyisessentiallytherecordofastruggletogainpossessionofpublicland。TheopposingforcesweretheSouth，whichstrovetoperpetuatebythismeansasocialsystemthatwasfundamentallyaristocratic，andtheNorth，whichsoughtbythesamemeanstofosteritsidealofdemocracy。ThoughtheSouth，withtheaidofitseconomicvassal，theNortherncapitalistclass，wasforsometimeabletochecktheland-hungeroftheNortherndemocrats，itwasneverableentirelytosecurethecontrolwhichitdesired，butwasalwaysfacedwiththesteadyandcontinuedoppositionoftherealNorth。OnoneoccasioninCongress，theheartofthewholematterwasclearlyshown，forattheverymomentwhentheNorthernersofthedemocraticclasswerepressingoneoftheirfrequentschemesforfreeland，SouthernersandtheirsympatheticNorthernhenchmenwerefurtheringaschemethataimedatthepurchaseofCuba。FromtheimpatientsneerofaSouthernerthattheNorthernerssoughttogive"landtothelandless"andtheretortthattheSouthernersseemedequallyanxioustosupply"niggerstotheniggerless，"itcanbeseenthatAmericanhistoryissometimesbettersummedupbyangrypoliticiansthanbyhistorians。
Wemustbeonourguard，however，againstascribingtoeithersidetoopreciseaconsciousnessofitsownmotives。TheolddayswhentheAmericanCivilWarwasconceivedasaclear-cutissueareasawatchinthenightthathaspassed，andwenowrealizethathistoricalmovementsarealmostwithoutexceptiontheresultantsofmanymotives。Wehavecometorecognizethatmenhavealwaysmisapprehendedthemselves，contradictedthemselves，obeyedprimalimpulses，andthendeludedthemselveswithsophisticationsuponthespringsofaction。Inaword，unawareofwhattheyaredoing，menallowtheiraestheticanddramaticsensestoshapetheirconceptionsoftheirownlives。
That"greatimpersonalartist，"ofwhomMatthewArnoldhassomuchtosay，isatworkinusall，subtlymakingusintoillusions，firsttoourselvesandlatertothehistorian。Itisthebusinessofhistory，asofanalyticfiction，bothtofeelthepoweroftheseillusionsandtoworkthroughtheminimaginationtothedimbutpotentmotivesonwhichtheyrest。Wearepronetoforgetthatweactfromsubconsciousquiteasoftenasfromconsciousinfluences，frommotivesthatariseoutofthedimpartsofourbeing，fromthemidstofshadowsthatpsychologyhasonlyrecentlybeguntolift，wheresensessubtlerthantheobviousmakeuseoffear，intuition，prejudice，habit，andillusion，andtoooftenplaywithusasthewindwithblownleaves。
Trueasthisisofmanindividually，itisevenmorefundamentallytrueofmancollectively，ofparties，ofpeoples。
ItisastrikinglyaccuratedescriptionoftherelationofthetwoAmericannationsthatnowfoundthemselvesopposedwithintheRepublic。Neitherfullyunderstoodtheother。Eachhadasocialidealthatwasdeeperlaidthananytheoryofgovernmentorthananycommercialorhumanitarianinterest。Bothknewvaguelybutwithsureinstinctthattheirinterestsandidealswereirreconcilable。Eachfeltinitsheartthedeadlypassionofself-preservation。Itwasbecause，inbothNorthandSouth，menweresubtlyconsciousthatawholesocialsystemwastheissueatstake，andbecauseoneachsidetheybelievedintheirownidealswiththeirwholesouls，that，whenthetimecamefortheirtrialbyfire，theywenttotheirdeathssinging。
IntheSouththerestillobtainedtheancientidealofterritorialaristocracy。ThoselongtraditionsoftheWesternEuropeanpeopleswhichhadmadeofthegreatlandholderapettyprincelaybeneaththeplantationlifeoftheSouthernStates。
Thefeudalspirit，revivedinasofterworldandunderbrighterskies，gavetothosewhoparticipatedinitthesamegracesandsomewhatthesamecapacitieswhichitgavetotheknightlyclassinthedaysofRoland——courage，frankness，generosity，abilityinaffairs，asenseofresponsibility，theconsciousnessofcaste。
Themodeoflifewhichtheplantersenjoyedandwhichtheinferiorwhitesregardedasasocialparadisewasalifeofcompletedeliverancefromtoil，ofdisinterestedparticipationinlocalgovernment，ofabsolutepersonalfreedom——alifeinwhichthemechanicalactionoflawwaslessimportantthanthemorehumancompulsionofsocialopinion，andinwhichprivatedifferencesweresettledunderthecodeofhonor。
ThisSouthernlifewascarriedoninthemostappropriateenvironment。Onalandedestate，oftenlargerthanmanyofEurope'sbaronies，stoodthegreathouseoftheplanter，usuallyagracefulexampleofcolonialarchitecture，surroundedbystatelygardens。Thismansionwasthecenterofaboundlesshospitality；guestswerealwayscomingandgoing；thehostessandherdaughtersweretheverysymbolsofkindlinessandease。Tothinkofsuchhouseswastothinkofinnumerablejoyousdays；ofgentlemengallopingacrosscountryafterthehounds；ofcoacheslumberingalongavenuesofnobleoaks，bringinghandsomewomentovisitthemansion；ofgreatfeastings；ofnightsofmusicanddancing；aboveall，ofthegreatfestivalofChristmas，celebratedmuchashadbeenthecustomin"MerrieEngland"
centuriesbefore。
Belowthesurfaceofthisbrightworldlaytheenslavedblackrace。InthemindsofmanySoutherners——itwasalwaysasecretburdenfromwhichtheysawnomeansoffreeingthemselves。Toemancipatetheslaves，andtherebytocreateapopulationoffreeblacks，wasgenerallyconsidered，fromthewhitepointofview，animpossiblesolutionoftheproblem。TheSouthernersusuallybelievedthattheAfricancouldbetamedonlyinsmallgroupsandwhenconstantlysurroundedbywhiteinfluence，asinthecaseofhouseservants。Thoughafewgreatcapitalistshadtakenuptheideathatthedeliberateexploitationoftheblackswasthehighprerogativeofthewhites，thegeneralsentimentoftheSouthernpeoplewasmoretrulyexpressedbyToombswhenhesaid:"ThequestionisnotwhetherwecouldbemoreprosperousandhappywiththesethreeandahalfmillionslavesinAfrica，andtheirplacesfilledwithanequalnumberofhardy，intelligent，andenterprisingcitizensofthesuperiorrace；butitissimplywhether，whilewehavethemamongus，wewouldbemostprosperouswiththeminfreedomorinbondage。"
TheSouthernpeople，inthemajorityofinstances，hadnohatredoftheblacks。Inthemaintheyledtheirfree，spirited，andgraciouslife，convincedthatthemaintenanceofslaverywasbutmakingthebestofcircumstanceswhichwerebeyondtheircontrol。
ItwastheseSouthernpeoplewhoweretohearfromafarthehorribleindictmentofalltheirmotivesbytheAbolitionistsandwhoweretoreactinagrowingbitternessanddistrusttowardeverythingNorthern。
ButoftheseSouthernpeopletheaverageNorthernerknewnothing。
HeknewtheSouthonlyonitsleastattractivesideofprofessionalpolitics。Fortherewasagroupofpowerfulmagnates，richplantersor"slavebarons，"whoeasilymadetheirwayintoCongress，andwhoplayedintothehandsoftheNortherncapitalists，forapurposesimilartotheirs。Itwasthesemenwhoforcedtheissueuponslavery；theywarnedthecommonpeopleoftheNorthtomindtheirownbusiness；andfordoingsotheywerewarmlyapplaudedbytheNortherncapitalistclass。ItwasthereforeinoppositiontothewholeAmericanworldoforganizedcapitalthattheNorthernmassesdemandedtheuseof"theNorthernhammer"——asSumnerputit，inoneofhismostfuriousspeeches——intheiraimtodestroyasectionwhere，intuitively，theyfelttheirdemocraticidealcouldnotberealized。
Andwhatwasthatideal?Merelytoanswerdemocracyistododgethefundamentalquestion。TheNorthwastoocomplexinitssocialstructureandtoomultitudinousinitsintereststoconfineitselftoonetypeoflife。Itincludedallsortsandconditionsofmen——fromthemostgraciousofscholarswholivedinromanticeaseamonghisGermanandSpanishbooks，andwhoselovelyhouseinCambridgeisforeverassociatedwiththenoblepresenceofWashington，tothehardyfrontiersman，breakingthenewsoilofhisWesternclaim，whosewifeatsunsetshadedhertiredeyes，underahandroughwithlabor，asshestoodonthethresholdofherlogcabin，watchingforthereturnofhermanacrosstheweedyfieldswhichhehadnotyetfullysubdued。FarapartaswereLongfellowandthistoileroftheWest，theyyetfeltthemselvestobeoneinpurpose。
Theyweredemocrats，butnotafterthesimple，elementarymannerofthedemocratsattheopeningofthecentury。IntheNorth，therehadcometolifeapeculiarphaseofidealismthathadtoucheddemocracywithmysticismandhadaddedtoitavaguebutgenuineromance。ThisnewvisionofthedestinyofthecountryhadthepracticaleffectofmakingtheNorthernersidentifythemselvesintheirimaginationswithallmankindandincreatinginthemanenthusiasticdesire，notonlytogivetoeveryAmericanahomeofhisown，butalsotothrowopenthegatesofthenationandtosharethewealthofAmericawiththepoorofalltheworld。Inverytruth，itwastheirdominatingpassiontogive"landtothelandless。"HerewasthecluetomuchoftheirattitudetowardtheSouth。MostoftheseNortherndreamersgavelittleornothoughttoslaveryitself；buttheyfeltthatthesectionwhichmaintainedsuchasystemsocommittedtoaristocracythatanyrealfriendshipwithitwasimpossible。
WearethusforcedtoconceivetheAmericanRepublicintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingtheCompromiseof1850as，ineffect，adualnation，withoutacommonloyaltybetweenthetwoparts。
BeforelongthemostsignificantofthegreatNorthernersofthetimewastodescribethisimpossibleconditionbytheappropriatemetaphorofahousedividedagainstitself。Itwasnot，however，untileightyearsafterthedivisionofthecountryhadbeenacknowledgedin1850thatthesewordswereuttered。Inthoseeightyearsbothsectionsawoketotheseriousnessofthedifferencesthattheyhadadmitted。Bothperceivedthat，insteadofsolvingtheirproblemin1850，theyhadmerelydrawnsharplythelinesoffutureconflict。Ineverythoughtfulmindtherearosethesamealternativequestions:Istherenosolutionbutfightingitoutuntilonesidedestroystheother，orweendastwonationsconfessedlyindependent?Oristheresomeconceivablenewoutletforthisoppositionofenergyonthepartofthesections，somenewmodeofpermanentadjustment?
Itwasatthemomentwhenthinkingmenwereaskingthesequestionsthatoneofthenimblestofpoliticianstookthecenterofthestage。StephenA。Douglaswasfar-sightedenoughtounderstandtheland-hungerofthetime。Oneistemptedtoaddthathisearwastotheground。Thestatementwillnot，however，gounchallenged，forableapologistshavetheirgoodwordtosayforDouglas。Thoughinthemain，thetraditionalviewofhimastheprinceofpoliticaljugglersstillholdsitsown，letusadmitthathisbold，roughspirit，filledasitwaswithpoliticaldaring，wasnotwithoutitsstrangeveinofidealism。
Andthenletusrepeatthathisearwastotheground。Muchcarefulresearchhasindeedbeenexpendedinseekingtodeterminewhooriginatedthepolicywhich，about1853，Douglasdecidedtomakehisown。Therehasalsobeenmuchdisputeabouthismotives。Mostofus，however，seeinhiscourseofactionaninstanceofplayingthegameofpoliticswithanaudacitythatwasmagnificent。
HisconductmaywellhavebeentheresultofacombinationofmotiveswhichincludedadesiretoretainthefavoroftheNorthwest，awishtopavethewaytohiscandidacyforthePresidency，theintentiontoenlisttheaidoftheSouthaswellasthatofhisownlocality，andperhapsthehopethathewasperformingaserviceofrealvaluetohiscountry。Thatis，hesawthatthefavorofhisownNorthwestwouldbelavisheduponanymanwhoopeneduptosettlementtherichlandsbeyondIowaandMissouriwhichwerestillheldbytheIndians，andforwhichtheWesternerswereclamoring。Furthermore，theywantedarailroadthatwouldreachtothePacific。Therewere，however，localentanglementsandpoliticalcross-purposeswhichinvolvedtheinterestsofthefreeStateofIllinoisandthoseoftheslaveStateofMissouri。
Douglas'sgreatstrokewasaprogrammeforharmonizingalltheseconflictinginterestsandfordrawingtogethertheWestandtheSouth。Slaveholdersweretobegivenwhatatthatmomenttheywantedmost——anopportunitytoexpandintothatterritorytothenorthandwestofMissouriwhichhadbeenmadefreebytheCompromiseof1820，whilethefreeNorthwestwastohaveitsrailroadtothecoastandalsoitschancetoexpandintotheIndiancountry。Douglasthusbecamethechampionofabillwhichwouldorganizetwonewterritories，KansasandNebraska，butwhichwouldleavethesettlersineachtodecidewhetherslaveryorfreelaborshouldprevailwithintheirboundaries。ThisterritorialschemewasacceptedbyaCongressinwhichtheSouthernersandtheirNorthernalliesheldcontrol，andwhatisknownastheKansas-NebraskaBillwassignedbyPresidentPierceonMay30，1854。*
*TheoriginoftheKansas-NebraskaBillhasbeenamuchdiscussedsubjectamonghistoriansinrecentyears。TheolderviewthatDouglaswassimplyplayingintothehandsofthe"slavepower"bysacrificingKansas，isnolongertenable。ThispointhasbeenelaboratedbyAllenJohnsoninhisstudyofDouglas"StephenA。
Douglas:aStudyinAmericanPolitics"。Inhis"RepealoftheMissouriCompromise"，P。O。Raycontendsthatthelegislationof1854originatedinafactionalcontroversyinMissouri，andthatDouglasmerelyservedtheinterestsoftheproslaverygroupledbySenatorDavidR。AtchinsonofMissouri。Stillanotherpointofviewisthatpresentedinthe"GenesisoftheKansas-NebraskaAct，"byF。H。Hodder，whowouldexplainnotonlythedivisionoftheNebraskaTerritoryintoKansasandNebraska，buttheobjectoftheentirebillbytheinsistenteffortsofpromotersofthePacificrailroadschemetosecurearightofwaythroughNebraska。ThisprojectinvolvedtheorganizationofaterritorialgovernmentandtherepealoftheMissouriCompromise。
Douglaswasdeeplyinterestedinthewesternrailroadinterestsandcarriedthroughthenecessarylegislation。
CHAPTERII。THEPARTYOFPOLITICALEVASION
InordertounderstandDouglasonemustunderstandtheDemocraticpartyof1854inwhichDouglaswasaconspicuousleader。TheDemocratsboastedthattheyweretheonlyreallynationalpartyandcontendedthattheirrivals，theWhigsandtheKnow-Nothings，weremerelytherepresentativesoflocalitiesorclasses。
SectionalismwasthefavoritechargewhichtheDemocratsbroughtagainsttheirenemies；andyetitwasupontheseveryDemocratsthattheslaveholdershadhithertorelied，anditwasuponcertainmembersofthispartythatthelabel，"NorthernmenwithSouthernprinciples，"hadbeenbestowed。
Thelabelwasnot，however，altogetherfair，forthemotivesoftheDemocratsweredeeplyrootedintheirownpeculiartemperament。Inthelastanalysis，whathadheldtheirorganizationtogether，andwhathadenabledthemtodominatepoliticsfornearlythespanofageneration，wastheirfaithinaprinciplethatthenappealedpowerfully，andthatstillappeals，tomuchintheAmericancharacter。Thiswastheprincipleofnegativeactiononthepartofthegovernment——theoldideathatthegovernmentshoulddoaslittleaspossibleandshouldconfineitselfpracticallytothedutiesofthepoliceman。
ThisprinciplehasseemedalwaystoexpresstotheaveragemindthattraditionalindividualismwhichisaninheritanceoftheAnglo-Saxonrace。InAmerica，inthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury，itreenforcedthattraditionoflocalindependencewhichwasstrongthroughouttheWestanddoublystrongintheSouth。
Then，too，theDemocraticpartystillspokethelanguageofthetheoreticalDemocracyinheritedfromJefferson。AndAmericanshavealwaysbeentheslavesofphrases!
Furthermore，thecloseallianceoftheNorthernpartymachinewiththeSouthmadeit，generally，anobjectofcareforallthoseNorthernintereststhatdependedontheSouthernmarket。
AstotheSoutherners，theirrelationwiththispartyhastwodistinctchapters。ThefirstembracedthetwentyyearsprecedingtheCompromiseof1850，andmaybethoughtofasmergingintothesecondduringthreeorfouryearsfollowingthegreatequivocation。Inthatperiod，whiletheantislaverycrusadewastakingform，theaimofSouthernpoliticianswasmainlynegative。
"Letusalone，"wastheirchiefdemand。Thoughaggressiveintheirpolicy，theyweretoofar-sightedtodemandoftheNorthanypositivecourseinfavorofslavery。TheriseofanewtypeofSouthernpolitician，however，createdadifferentsituationandbeganasecondchapterintherelationbetweentheSouthandtheDemocraticpartymachineintheNorth。Butofthathereafter。
Until1854，itwastheobviouspartofwisdomforSouthernerstocooperateasfaraspossiblewiththatpartywhosecardinalideawasthatthegovernmentshouldcomeasnearasconceivabletoasystemofnon-interference；thatitshouldnotinterferewithbusiness，andthereforeopposeatariff；thatitshouldnotinterferewithlocalgovernment，andthereforeapplaudstatesrights；thatitshouldnotinterferewithslavery，andthereforefrownuponmilitantabolition。Itspolicywas，toadoptafamiliarphrase，oneofmasterlyinactivity。Indeeditmaywellbecalledthepartyofpoliticalevasion。Itwasahuge，looseconfederacyofdifferingpoliticalgroups，embracingpaupersandmillionaires，moderateanti-slaverymenandslavebarons，allofwhomwereheldtogetherbytheunreliablebondofanagreementnottotreadoneachother'stoes。
OfthispartyDouglaswasthetypicalrepresentative，bothinstrengthandweakness。Hehadallitspliability，itsgoodhumor，itsbroadandeasywaywiththings，itspassionforplayingpolitics。Nevertheless，incallinguponthebelieversinpoliticalevasiontoconsentforthisoncetoreversetheirprincipleandtoendorseapositiveaction，hehadtakenagreatrisk。Wouldtheirsportingsenseofpoliticsasagiganticgamecarryhimthroughsuccessfully?Heknewthattherewasahardfightbeforehim，butwiththecourageofagreatpoliticalstrategist，andproudlyconfidentinhisholduponthemainbodyofhisparty，hepreparedforboththeattacksandthedefectionsthatwereinevitable。
Defections，indeed，beganatonce。Evenbeforethebillhadbeenpassed，the"AppealoftheIndependentDemocrats"wasprintedinaNewYorkpaper，withthesignaturesofmembersofCongressrepresentingboththeextremeanti-slaverywingoftheDemocratsandtheorganizedFree-Soilparty。ThemostfamousofthesenameswerethoseofChaseandSumner，bothofwhomhadbeensenttotheSenatebyacoalitionofFree-SoilersandDemocrats。Withthemwastheveteranabolitionist，GiddingsofOhio。The"Appeal"denouncedDouglasasan"unscrupulouspolitician"andsoundedboththewarcriesoftheNorthernmassesbyaccusinghimofbeingengagedin"anatrociousplottoexcludefromavastunoccupiedregionimmigrantsfromtheOldWorldandfreelaborersfromourownStates。"
Theeventsofthespringandsummerof1854mayallbegroupedundertwoheads——theformationofanantiNebraskaparty，andthequickrushofsectionalpatriotismtoseizetheterritorylaidopenbytheKansas-NebraskaAct。TheinstantaneousrefusaloftheNorthernerstoconfinetheirsettlementtoNebraska，andtheirpromptinvasionofKansas；thesimilarinvasionfromtheSouth；thesupportofbothmovementsbysocietiesorganizedforthatpurpose；thewarinKansasallthedetailsofthisthrillingstoryhavebeentoldelsewhere。*Thepoliticalstoryaloneconcernsushere。
*SeeJesseMacy，"TheAnti-SlaveryCrusade"。In"TheChroniclesofAmerica"。
Whenthefightbegantherewerefourpartiesinthefield:theDemocrats，theWhigs，theFree-Soilers，andtheKnow-Nothings。
TheFree-Soilparty，hithertoasmallorganization，hadsoughttomakeslaverythemainissueinpolitics。Itswatchwordwas"Freesoil，freespeech，freelabor，andfreemen。"ItisneedlesstoaddthatitwasinstantaneousinitsoppositiontotheKansas-NebraskaAct。
TheWhigsatthemomentenjoyedthegreatestprestige，owingtotheassociationwiththemofsuchdistinguishedleadersasWebsterandClay。In1854，however，asapartytheyweredying，andtheveryconditionthathadmadesuccesspossiblefortheDemocratsmadeitimpossiblefortheWhigs，becausethelatterstoodforpositiveideas，andaimedtobenationalinrealityandnotintheevasiveDemocraticsenseoftheterm。For，asamatteroffact，onanalysisallthegreaterissuesofthedayprovedtobesectional。TheWhigswouldnot，liketheDemocrats，adoptanegativeattitudetowardtheseissues，norwouldtheyconsenttobecomemerelysectional。Yetatthemomentnegationandsectionalismweretheonlyalternatives，andbetweenthesemillstonestheWhigorganizationwasdestinedtobegroundtobitsandtodisappearafterthenextPresidentialelection。
Evenpreviousto1854，numbersofWhigshadsoughtadesperateoutletfortheirdesiretobepositiveinpoliticsandhadcreatedanewpartywhichduringafewyearswastoseemarealityandthenvanishtogetherwithitsparent。Theonechanceforapartywhichhadpositiveideasandwhichwishednottobesectionalwasthedefiniteabandonmentofexistingissuesandthediscoveryofsomenewissuenotconnectedwithsectionalfeeling。
Now，ithappenedthatavarietyofcauses，socialandreligious，hadbroughtaboutbadbloodbetweennativeandforeigner，insomeofthegreatcities，andupontheissueinvolvedinthisconditionthefailingspiritoftheWhigsfastened。Asecretsocietywhichhadbeenformedtoopposethenaturalizationofforeignersquicklybecamearecognizedpoliticalparty。AsthemembersoftheSocietyansweredallquestionswith"Idonotknow，"theycametobecalled"Know-Nothings，"thoughtheycalledthemselves"Americans。"InthosestateswheretheWhigshadbeenstrongest——Massachusetts，NewYork，andPennsylvania——thislastattempttoapplytheirformertemper，thoughnottheirprinciples，hadforamomentsomesuccess；butitcouldnotescapethefiercedivisionwhichwasforcedonthecountrybyDouglas。Asaresult，itrapidlysplitintofactions，oneofwhichmergedwiththeenemiesofDouglas，whiletheotherwaslostamonghissupporters。
WhatwouldthegreatdyingWhigpartyleavebehindit?Thiswasthereallymomentousquestionin1854。Briefly，thispartybequeathedthetemperofpoliticalpositivismandatthesametimethedreadofsectionalism。TheinnercluetoAmericanpoliticsduringthenextfewyearsis，tomanyminds，tobefoundlargelyintheunionofthisoldWhigtemperwithanew-bornsectionalpatriotism，and，tootherminds，inthegradualandreluctantpassingoftheWhigoppositiontoasectionalparty。
ButthoughthistransformationofthewrecksofWhiggismbeganimmediately，andwhiletheKansas-NebraskaBillwasstillbeinghotlydebatedinCongress，itwasnotuntil1860thatitwascompleted。
InthemeantimevariousincidentshadshownthatthesectionalpatriotismoftheNorth，thefuryoftheabolitionists，andthepositivetemperinpolitics，werealldrawingclosertogether。
Eachofthesetendenciescanbebrieflyillustrated。Forexample，therushtoKansashadbegun，andtheMassachusettsEmigrantAidSocietywaspreparingtoassistsettlerswhoweregoingwest。InMay，thereoccurredatBostononeofthemostconspicuousattemptstorescueafugitiveslave，inwhichamobledbyThomasWentworthHigginsonattackedtheguardsofAnthonyBurns，acapturedfugitive，killedoneofthem，butfailedtogettheslave，whowascarriedtoarevenuecutterbetweenlinesofsoldiersandreturnedtoslavery。AmongnumerousdetailsofthehourtheburningofDouglasineffigyisperhapsworthpassingnotice。Indulytheanti-NebraskamenofMichiganheldaconvention，atwhichtheyorganizedasapoliticalpartyandnominatedastateticket。Oftheirnominees，twohadhithertorankedthemselvesasFree-Soilers，threeasanti-slaveryDemocrats，andfiveasWhigs。Forthenameoftheirpartytheychose"Republican，"andasthefoundationoftheirplatformtheresolution"That，postponingandsuspendingalldifferenceswithregardtopoliticaleconomyoradministrativepolicy，"theywould"actcordiallyandfaithfullyinunison，"opposingtheextensionofslavery，andwould"cooperateandbeknownas'Republicans'
untilthecontestbeterminated。"
Thehistoryofthenexttwoyearsis，initsmainoutlines，thestoryofthewarinKansasandofthespreadofthisnewpartythroughouttheNorth。Itwasonlybydegrees，however，thattheRepublicansabsorbedthevariousgroupsofanti-Nebraskamen。
WhathappenedatthistimeinIllinoismaybetakenastypical，anditisparticularlynoteworthyasrevealingthefirstrealappearanceofAbrahamLincolninAmericanhistory。
Thoughin1854hewasnotyetanationalfigure，Lincolnwaslocallyaccreditedwithkeenpoliticalinsight，andwas，regardedinIllinoisasastronglawyer。Thestoryistoldofhimthat，whilehewasattendingcourtonthecircuit，heheardthenewsoftheKansas-NebraskaActinatavernandsatupmostofthenighttalkingaboutit。Nextmorningheusedaphrasedestinedtobecomefamous。"Itellyou，"saidhetoafellowlawyer，"thisnationcannotexisthalfslaveandhalffree。"
Lincoln，however，wasnotoneofthefirsttojointheRepublicans。InIllinois，in1854，LincolnresignedhisseatinthelegislaturetobecometheWhigcandidateforUnitedStatessenator，tosucceedtheDemocraticcolleagueofDouglas。Buttherewaslittlechanceofhiselection，fortherealcontestwasbetweenthetwowingsoftheDemocrats，theNebraskamenandtheanti-Nebraskamen，andLincolnwithdrewinfavorofthecandidateofthelatter，whowaselected。
Duringthefollowingyear，fromthemidstofhisbusylawpractice，LincolnwatchedtheWhigpartygotopieces。HesawagreatpartofitsvotelodgetemporarilyamongtheKnow-Nothings，butbeforetheendoftheyeareventheybegantolosetheirprominence。Intheautumn，fromtheobscurityofhisprovinciallife，hesaw，faroff，Seward，themostastutepoliticianoftheday，jointhenewmovement。InNewYork，theRepublicanstateconventionandtheWhigstateconventionmergedintoone，andSewardpronouncedabaptismalorationupontheRepublicanpartyofNewYork。
IntheHouseofRepresentativeswhichmetinDecember，1855，theanti-Nebraskamenweredividedamongthemselves，andtheKnow-Nothingsheldthebalanceofpower。Nocandidateforthespeakership，however，wasabletocommandamajority，andfinally，afterithadbeenagreedthatapluralitywouldbesufficient，thecontestclosed，ontheonehundredandthirty-thirdballot，withtheelectionofaRepublican，N。P。
Banks。MeanwhileintheSouth，theWhigswererapidlyleavingtheparty，pausingamomentwiththeKnow-Nothings，onlytofindthattheirinevitableresting-place，understressofsectionalfeeling，waswiththeDemocrats。
OnWashington'sbirthday，1856，theKnow-NothingnationalconventionmetatPhiladelphia。Itpromptlysplituponthesubjectofslavery，andaportionofitsmembershipsentwordofferingsupporttoanotherconventionwhichwassittingatPittsburgh，andwhichhadbeencalledtoformanationalorganizationfortheRepublicanparty。AthirdassemblyheldonthissamedaywascomposedofthenewspapereditorsofIllinois，andmaybelookeduponastheorganizationoftheRepublicanpartyinthatstate。Atthedinnerfollowingthisinformalconvention，Lincoln，whowasoneofthespeakers，wastoastedas"thenextUnitedStatesSenator。"
Somefourmonthsafterward，inPhiladelphia，theRepublicansheldtheirfirstnationalconvention。Onlyafewyearspreviousitsmembershadcalledthemselvesbyvariousnames——Democrats，Free-Soilers，Know-Nothings，Whigs。Theoldhostilitiesofthesedifferentgroupshadnotyetdiedout。Consequently，thoughSewardwasfarandawaythemosteminentmemberofthenewparty，hewasnotnominatedforPresident。ThatdangeroushonorwasbestoweduponadashingsoldierandexploreroftheRockyMountainsandtheFarWest，JohnC。Fremont。*
*ForanaccountofFremont，seeStewartEdwardWhite，"TheForty-Niners"in"TheChroniclesofAmerica"，ChapterII。